| UBUHAMYA
BUJYANYE N'IRASWA RY'INDEGE YAGUYEMO PEREZIDA HABYALIMANA, NA PEREZIDA
NTARYAMIRA W'U BURUNDI N'ABANDI.
BURAMENYESHWA Abanyarwanda bose, ONU, OUA. Urukiko mpuzamahanga, >Ibihugu: Tanzaniya, Uganda, Burundi, Canada, Ubwongereza, Ububiligi, Ubufaransa, U.S.A., n'Ubudage. Imiryango irengera ikiremwamuntu kw'isi Abanyamakuru bose. UBITANGAZA: MUGABE JEAN-PIERRE Uwali umuyobozi w'ikinyamakuru : LE TRIBUN DU PEUPLE. Uwali Officier de renseignement muli G2 Gendarmerie Nationale (APR). Expert detective, ( mu Bubiligi ) Umushakashatsi ( Consultant ) of ISSA Washington D.C., U.S.A., Umuryango ufite Ikinyamateka gitangaza amakuru mu Bategetsi b'Amerika, nka Congress, Pentagon, CIA, n`ahandi. ABATEGUYE IRASWA RY'INDEGE GENERAL MAJOR KAGAME: AMASEZERANO YA ARUSHA ATEGURWA INGABO ZA LETA Y'U RWANDA
N'IZ'UMUTWE WA FPR ZITEGURAGA INTAMBARA. IMYITEGURO Y'INGABO ZA F.P.R.: Igihe amasezerano ya Arusha yategurwaga na nyuma amaze gushyirwaho umukono n'impande zombi, ingabo za APR. zitozaga kurwanaintambara yanyuma. Amasezerano amaze gusinywa General Major Paul Kagame yasuye za unity zose za APR azibwirako zitagomba kwiringira amasezerano ya Arusha agira ati: " Nimwoze imbunda mwitegure, ntimwilingire amasezerano ya Arusha." Abasilikare bato ba APR na ba Officiers bato n'abakuru bose bahabwaga imyitozo y'intambara muli training wing ya KARAMA ko muli Byumba. Aba cadres ba FPR nabo bahawe imyitozo ya gisilikare mu mashuli ya PMS (political military school) nayo yali I Karama. Abayobozi ba F.P.R. bagombaga kujya i Kigali bahawe imyitozo y'ubwirinzi. FPR yohereje bataillon 'abasikare 600 iyobowe na Lt. Colonel Kayonga, bajya i Kigali hoherejwe n'abandi basilikae rwihishwa bambaye gisivili. Uko amakamyo ya APR yazaga ku Mulindi gupakira inkwi, ibiribwa n'ibindi bikenewe n'abasilikare bali muli CND I Kigali, niko zapakiraga intwaro n'amasasu. Imbunda nini zabaga demonte zagezwa muli CND bakongera kuziteranya. Ibyo gupakira izo ntwaro ku Mulindi byali bishinzwe S/Lieutenant Moses wa unity ya High Command. Uwali ushinzwe kuzijyana muli CND ni Captain Charles Karamba wa DMI wabaga muli CND, ubu ni attache militaire muli Erithrea by'umwihaliko ashinzwe kugura intwaro z'u Rwanda muli Erithrea. Genocide yegereje, abasilikare ba FPR bali mu mugi wa Kigali bageraga mu bihumbi bine. Abasilikare ba FPR bali muli MINUAR, bali barashinzwe iperereza rijyanye n'ibikorwaby'imyiteguro y'ingabo z'u Rwanda. Abayobozi ba FPR bali muli CND bumvishaga amashyaka ya opposition ko bashyira hamwe, bakarangiza ikibazo kuko ikibazo ali Habyalimana. Amashyaka nka MDR na PSD yakomeje kubyangira. Bamwe muli ayo mashyaka nka Gatabazi Felicien barabizize. Mu nama y'abacuruzi n'abanyanganda ba FPR yabereye ku Mulindi mu ruganda rw'icyayi hagati y'ukwezi kwa kabili n'ukwa gatatu. Mu gusoza inama, General Kagame yavuze ku masezerano ya Arusha agaragaza uburyo President Habyalimana adindiza ishyirwa mu bikorwa ry'amasezerano ya Arusha. Mu ijwi ry'abali mu nama uwitwa Kalinda umucuruzi bakunze kwita Kalinda SWEAT BREAD, abacuruzi bagaragaje ko amasezerano ya ARUSHA atinza ibintu agakerereza FPR, ibyo bigatwara n'amafaranga menshi kandi ko batazahora batanga amafaranga apfa ubusa. General Kagame yabajije uko babona byagenda. Kalinda yasobanuye ko FPR yakomeza imirwano niba ali amafaranga abura bazayatanga. Igitekerezo cya Kalinda yemewe nabose, Kagame ntiyacyanze. KUDASHYIRWA MUBIKORWA KW'AMASEZERANO YA ARUSHA BYAHAYE FPR INZIRA YO GUFATA UBUTEGETSI N'UBWO ABANTU BAHASHIRIYE. Ba General Major Habyalimana na Kagame bali bazi neza ko gusangira ubutegetsi bishingiye ku masezerano ya Arusha ntawe biha ingufu. Ikindi n'uko iyo amasezereano ya Arusha yubahilizwa, mu matora FPR ntiyashoboraga gutorwa kuko abahutu ba MRND nabo mu bice by'amashyaka MDR, PSD, PL, CDR n'abandi bali mu ntagondwa z'abahutu biyitaga HUTU POWER bali benshi cyane, bali kwishyira hamwe bakigarulira amajwi y'abahutu benshi. Kagame yarazi neza ko Habyalimana n'intagondwa ze, bali nk'inzoka yizingiye ku gisabo kuyica bigomba kumena igisabo. Yarazi neza ko interahamwe na Garde Presidentielle bahawe imyitozo n'intwaro ngo bazatsembe abatutsi FPR nishaka gufata ubtegetsi ku ngufu. Yarazi neza ko hakozwe amalisiti y'abatutsi hafi ya bose, naho batuye hoherezwa interahamwe zateguriwe kubatsemba. Radio Muhabura ya FPR ntiyasibaga kubivuga. Kandi hali inero zibyerekana: Gatabazi Felicien wali Secretaire General w'ishyaka PSD amaze kwicwa na FPR kubera ibanga ryo gukuraho Habyalimana yanze gushyigikira bagatinya ko azabibwira Habyalimana kuko abo iperereza rya FPR I Kigali batahuye ko Gatabazi yarimo gucuruzanya intwaro na Habyalimana, zohererezwaga Minani wari Ministre i Burundi, nawe akazishyikiriza PARIPEHUTU, mbere yo kuzohereza I Burundi, bakaba barazibikaga kwa wana Mbarushimana Antoine kuli Mimoza, ahegereye College St. Andre I Nyamirambo. Uyu nawe Mbarushimana akaba yarishwe na FPR , Genocide irangiye bakamwicira i Nyanza, ngo atazavuga iby'urupfu rwa Gatabazi. Nyuma abarwanashyaka ba PSD bishe BUCYANA, umukuru wa CDR, Bucyana amaze gupfa interahamwe na CDR biraye mu batutsi I Kigali barabica. Ibi byali kubera urugero Kagame, ko niyica Habyalilmana nta mututsi uzasigara mu gihugu. Urundi rugero ubwo interahamwe Katumba yaraswaga mu mugi wa Kigali, interahamwe ziraye mubatutsi zirica, ibi ni urugero kuli Kagame. Kuba Kagame yarazi neza ko niyubura imirwano ashaka gufata ubutegetsi abatutsi bazicwa, ntacyo byali bimubwiye, icyangombwa kuliwe cyali ubutegetsi budasangiwe, bucye bugasagulirwa ibisigazwa by'abahutu bikorera mu bwoba, n'indirakarame z'abatutsi ziziko kubaho ali uguhakwa mu kazu ka Kagame. Kagame yumvaga agomba kuba l'homme fort w'u Rwanda amaraso y'abatutsi b'imbere mu gihugu ntacyo yaramubwiye, kuko yanabonaga ko nibashira, amasambu n'amazu bizaba bibonetse. Gufata ubutegetsi agashaka umuhutu yihisha inyuma akamumulika nka President Bizimungu, nibyo yifuzaga. None Bizimungu yalivumbuye yanga kuba le Hutu de service aregura aha Kagame ubutegetsi bwe. ITEGURWA RY'ABASILIKARE BANE BO MULI UNITY YA HIGH COMMAND BARASHE INDEGE YA HABYALIMANA. Amasezerano y'ARUSHA akimara gushyirwaho umukono, bataillon ya FPR ikoherezwa muri CND I Kigali, General Major Kagame yohereje abasilikare bane muli Uganda gutozwa kurasa missile sol-air, SA-7 Strela zo m'Uburusiya, zihanura indege. Bamaze gutozwa bagarutse ku Mulindi bashyirwa muli Departement inshinzwe ibya missile yayoborwaga na Lieutenant Kayumba Joseph, ubu ni Capitain atuye muli Camp Militaire ya Kanombe. Jye ubihamya nabaga ku Mulindi kandi uwo Lieutenant yali umwe mu nshuti zanjye na bagenzi be. Mu mpera z'ukwezi kwa kabili bimaze kugaragara ko amasezerano ya arusha, Habyalimana adashaka kuyashyira mu bikorwa, nibwo Lt. Colonel Kayonga wayoboraga abasilikare ba FPR bali i Kigali yohereje ordre ku Mulindi yo kohereza ba basilikare bane batojwe guhanura indege. Lieutenant Kayumba akimara kubona iyo ordre (itegeko) yahise yohereza abo basilikare bane nk'uko Lt. Colonel KAYONGA yabitegetse. Amaze kubohereza i Kigali, Colonel James Kabarebe yahise amufunga ko yabohereje i Kigali atamubwiye, yamaze icyumweru afunze. Uyu Lt.-Col. Kayonga ubu yahungiye ino muli Amerika, aho yari yaje kwiga. M'u Rwanda, abategetsi bahishe kuvuga ko yahunze. Mu kwezi kwa gatatu nibwo High Command ya APR iyobowe na Kagame yasabye abayobozi ba FPR bali i Kigali kugaruka ku Mulindi. Buhoro buhoro bagarukaga ku Mulindi. Hasigaye ibyumweru bibili ngo indege ya Habyalimana ihanurwe nibwo Colonel James yoherejwe na Kagame kugeza missile sol-air sam 7 muli CND aho ingabo za FPR zali , yoherejwe kandi gutanga instructions zijyanye na operation yo kurasa indege ya Habyalimana, n'uko imirwano igomba kugenda intambara niyubura. Colonel James yamaze nk'icyumweru muli CND asubira ku Mulindi. Bamwe mu bakuru ba FPR bahoze mu ngabo za Habyalimana nibo batanze inama y'ahantu indege igomba kurasirwa aliho Masaka ya Kanombe aho indege zikatira mbere yo kugera ku kibuga cy'indege. Abo ni Colonel Kanyarengwe Alexis na Colonel Lizinde Theoneste. ( Aha naho nabibutsa ko iyicwa rya Col. Lizinde i Nairobi n`agatsiko gakorera Kagame, ryali rigendereye kumubuza ko yazavuga iryo banga yarafite rirebana n`iraswa ry`indege ya perezida Habyalimana na perezida Ntaryamira. Mbere y'ibyumweru bibili ngo indege ya Habyalimana ihanurwe, ku Mulindi wa Byumba hageze imbunda nini zigera kuli 12 zivuye muli Uganda. Ikindi inama za High Command y'ingabo za APR ziyobowe na General Major Kagame, zilimo ba Colonel Ndugute, Sam Kaka, Kayumba Nyamwasa, Twahirwa Dodo, Gashumba, Muhire, Ngoga, Bagire, Biseruka, Musitu, Karemera na ba Lieutenant Colonel James Kabarebe, Ibingira, Rwahama, Nyamurangwa, Karangwa, Kadhafi, Kabera, Gahutu, ntizasibaga kuba zitegura intambara yanyuma yo gufata Kigali. IRASWA RY'INDEGE N'ITANGIRA RYA GENOCIDE YARI YARATEGUWE NA HUTU POWER, N'UKUNTU IMIGAMBI YA KAGAME YAFASHIJE ABO BAGIZI BA NABI MUKUBISHYIRA MU BIKORWA Inzira yo gukuraho Habyalimana imaze kunozwa hagombaga kubaho impamvu ituma Habyalimana afata indege akajya ahantu hazwi kugirango mu kugaruka bamenye neza amasaha asange abali kurasa indege biteguye. Nibwo abayobozi ba FPR baciye mu bakuru b'ibihugu by'incuti, bumvishije President Mwinyi wa Tanzania ko agomba gutumira inama y'akarere yakwigirwamo ibibazo by'u Burundi hakigwa n'uburyo amasezerano ya arusha yashyirwa mu bikorwa mu Rwanda, FPR yasabye ko hatumirwa n'abakuru b'ingabo. Iyi nama yali umutego watezwe Habyalimana ngo umuhitane bityo , Kagame afate ubutegetsi, inkoramaraso z'abahutu nazo zali ziryamiye amajanja, zararangije kubarura abatutsi, igisigaye ali ukubatsemba, Kagame yarabizi neza. Muli FPR basaba ko hatumirwa abagaba b'ingabo uw'u Rwanda, n'uw'u Burundi. Kagame yarazi neza ko General Major Nsabimana azagwa mu ndege na Habyalimana bityo ingabo z'u Rwanda zigahura n'ikibazo cy'uziyobora kuko zarimo amakimbirane ashingiye ku turere Nduga na Rukiga. President Mwinyi yatumiye inama y'akarere, mbere y'iyo nama, President wa FPR Kanyarengwe yigeze kubonana na President Mwinyi, avuye muli Tanzaniya yaje aho twali mu nama RUBAYA ya BYUMBA aducira umugani Mwinyi yamubwiye avuga kubya FPR na Habyalimana ati: " aho kuwana n'injangwe uyitera amabuye uli hanze yo iri munzu, wayinjirana ukayicira munzu" Ibi Mwinyi yavuze nibyo byashyizwe mu bikorwa tariki ya 6/4/1994. Mbere yo kujya munama ya Dar-es-Salam Habyalimana yagiye kureba President Mobutu muli Zaire kumusaba kuzaza mu nama ya Dar-es-Salaam akamutera inkunga kuko azaba ahanganye n'abakuru b'ibihugu bishyigikiye FPR. Yamumenyesheje kandi ko akeneye ko yamutiza abahanga mu iperereza baza kumufasha gusesengura informations z'iperereza zaturutse muli Uganda zimumenyesha ko FPR ishaka kumwica. Ibi byatangajwe n'umujyanama wa Mobutu mu by'iperereza witwa NGBANDA Honore Atumba. Nawe yali muliyo mibonano, ninawe wagombaga kujya gufasha Habyalimana muli byo. Inama y'i Dar-es-Salaam igiye kuba, abajyanama ba MOBUTU bamubujije kujya muli Tanzaniya kubera impamvu z'umutekano. Mbere y'itariki 6-4-1994 ingabo za FPR zali muli CND ndetsen'izali zaracengeye rwihishwa mu mugi wa Kigali zali zamaze kwitegura urugamba. Ingabo za FPR zindi zali zaravuye mu birindiro byazo zitegura gutera. Colonel Lizinde theoneste wali Depute wa FPR. Yali umwe mu basilikare b'u Rwanda bazobereye mu iperereza, yari mu bakuru ba FPR bali Kigali muli CND afasha ahanini mu rwego rw'iperereza rya gisilikare mu kumenya uko ingabo za Habyalimana zihagaze, ni umwe mubatanze inama kuli site ya MASAKA aho Indege yagombaga kurasirwa.. Uyu Lizinde yali inshuti yanjye kuburyo buzwi, nyuma ya Ge nocide yambwiraga ko atinya ko Kagame azamwica kubera ibyo azi ku iraswa ry'indege ya Habyalimana. amenyesheje ko niyicwa ko azaba azize ibanga azi ry;uko Kagame yishe Habyalimana. Uyu Lizinde kandi yali umujyanama mukuru wa Kagame mu buryo bw'ibanga. Ninawe wamuhaye igarade rya Colonel, amugira na Depute wa FPR. Uyu Lizinde yageze aho arahunga, abakurikiranye iby'ihunga rye bazi neza ko bamwe mu basilikare bakuru bo mu iperereza, nka Colonel Rwahama wali muli DMI wali warahawe amabwiriza yo gushyira Lizinde kuli surveillance ngo atazabacika na Lt. Colonel James Kabarebe wali umukuru wa Republican Guard, bahamagawe gusobanura uburyo Lizinde yabacitse kuburyo biri muri bimwe byatumye Rwahama akurwa muli DMI. Amaze guhunga abo mu iperereza bohereje bagenzi banjye twakoranaga mu by`iperereza ngo barebe ko narinzi ko azahunga. Colonel Lizinde niwe wamenyesheje ko abasilikare bane bavuye ku Mulindi bakaza muli CND boherejwe kurasa indege ya Habyalimana, bakiriwe na Major Rose KABUYE ko aliwe wali ubashinzwe. Yambwiye kandi ko Colonel James Kabarebe aliwe wabahaye instructions zanyuma za operation yo guhanura indege bya Habyalimana. Mbere y'itariki 6- 4-94 bamwe mubakuru ba FPR bali bafite imiryango i Kigali barayihungishije. Hasigaye ibyumweru bibili ngo iyo tariki igere Colonel James Kabarebe yoherejwe na Kagame I Kigali muli CND ajyanye missile zagombaga gukoreshwa mu guhanura indege ya Habyalimana no gutanga instructions zanyuma zijyanye n'intambara. Yamaze muli CND hafi icyumweru asubira ku Mulindi. Mu gitondo cy'italiki ya 6-4-1994 Colonel Lizinde waruzi umunsi, italiki n'isaha indege iriburasirwe yamenyesheje bamwe mu nshuti ze ko bagomba kurara bavuye mu mugi wa Kigali, ko Colonel James umaze iminsi muli CND atazanywe n'amahoro. Nibwo yagiye iwe aho umuryango we wabaga, guhungisha umugore we n'abana, yagezeyo arababura, ayoberwa aho bagiye asubira muli CND ahita ajya ku Mulindi bwangu. Indege yarimo Habyalimana, President Ntaryamira w'u Burundi, General Major Nsabimana Chef d'Etat Major wali uw'ingabo z'u Rwanda, Ambassadeur Renzaho, Docteur Akingeneye n'abandi, iraswa mu masaa mbili na makumyabili n'itanu ku isaha z'u Rwanda, twe twali ku Mulindi muli Salle ya Television, tureba umupira w'igikombe cy'isi, hali kandi bamwe mu bakuru b'ingabo za FPR, alibo General Major Paul Kagame, Colonel Ndugute, Colonel Biseruka, Colonel Twahirwa Dodo n'abandi. Indege ikimara kuraswa, Colonel James Kabarebe yahise yinjira muli salle twalimo yegera Kagame, baravugana bahita basohokana, hashize akanya Colonel James yagarutse guhamagara Colonel Ndugute n;abandi basilikare bakuru barajyana. Nyuma unity yose ya High Command yahise yambalira urugamba, ihita >itera muri iryo joro. Kagame na Kabarebe James nibo bali bayiyoboye. Unity >zose za FPR zahisezitera. Ibyo General Kagame yakoze ahanura indege ya Habyalimana yakomye imbarutso abizi neza kandi abishaka, kubera irali ryo gufata ubutegesi, byatumye imiryango yacu ishira, Miliyoni imwe y'abatutsi iricwa afata ubutegetsi, miliyoni ebyili z'abahutu ziyobowe n'inkoramaraso zirahunga. Intamenya zamusingije nk'umukiza, iminsi yerekanye ko aliwe nyirabayazana. Nyamara imiryango imwe y;abamuhaga imisanzu myinshi, yari yaramaze kuyiha abasilikali bayirinda, naho abacu ba giseseka bagabulirwa interahamwe. Kagame yasobanurira abanyarwanda ate ukuntu yohereje Claude DUSAIDI na MULIGANDE Charles I New York na Washington kubulizamo Intervention ya gisilikare iyaliyo yose yakoherezwa gutabara abanyarwanda ngo ihagarike genocide, bavuga ko FPR yihagije iri buhagarike genocide ikarenga ikamara amezi atatu abantu bicwa. Yasobanura gute uko yategetse ko MINUAR iva mu Rwanda mugihe ONU yigaga ukoyakongera abasilikare bayo kugirango bahagalike genocide? Ngaragaje ukuli kubyabaye kugirango umuntu wese abazwe ibyo yakoze. Ibi nibyo byatumaga Kagame anyoherereza abagombaga kunyicira muli Amerika bitwaje za passports DIPLOMATIQUE, ngo bitazamenyekana. Ndasaba Urukiko-Mpuzamahanga gukulikirana Kagame n'agatsiko ke. Njye ubyanditse niteguye kumushinja no gutanga ibindi bimenyetso bitagaragajwe nangako byakwica iperereza. ICYITONDERWA: Nta muntu n'umwe w'inkoramaraso ( umugenocidaire ) wishe Abatutsi cyangwa aba revisioniste n'Imiryango y'aba extremiste, ugomba kwitwaza iyi nyandiko yibeshya ko kuba Kagame yarishe Habyalimana, nawe byali uburenganzira bwe, gutsemba abatutsi badafite aho bahuriye na Kagame. Uwishe wese agomba gukulikiranwa kugiti cye niko amategeko abiteganya. Mu kwandika iyi nyandiko, jye ngendereye ubumwe bw'abanyarwanda n'amahoro y'u Rwanda biciye mu butabera. Ndasaba Abanyarwanda guha Kagame akato, urukiko narwo rugomba gukora umulimo warwo. Agomba kandi gukulikiranwaho urupfu rwa Kabera Assiel wali umujyanana wa President Bizimungu, urupfu rwa Sendashonga Seth wali Ministre w'ubutegetsi bw'igihugu, urupfu rwa Colonel Lizinde Theoneste, urupfu rwa Gatabazi , urupfu rw'abali abakuru b'umuryango wa FPR kera bari bazwiho ubutwari n'abandi. Abanyamahanga bibeshye ko Kagame ariwe wahuza abanyarwanda, bamuha ingufu n'uruvugiro bari bakwiye kumenya ko amaraso y'abanyarwanda baguye muli genocide azamukulikirana. Kandi bamenye ko nta nkoramaraso n'imwe izunga abanyarwanda Jean-Pierre MUGABE Bikolewe Washington D.C., tariki ya 21ukwezi 4, 2000.
ENGLISH VERSION Subject: J-P MUGABE: How Habyarimana was assassinated CC: rwanda-l@egroups.com, postuno@aol.com Date: Mon, 24 Apr 2000 20:01:34 -0700 (PDT) Status: Normal From: Jean-Claude Ndungutse <jndungut@sfu.ca> Rwanda The Shooting Down Of The Aircraft Carrying Rwandan President The International Strategic Studies Association April 24, 2000 Virginia - The following is the authorized translation of the Declaration by ISSA adviser and consultant Jean-Pierre Mugabe. Declaration on the Shooting Down of the Aircraft Carrying Rwandan President Juvenal Habyalimina and Burundi President Cyprien Ntaryamira on April 6, 1994 April 21, 2000 ADDRESSED TO: All Rwandans, UN, OAU, International Tribunal, Countries: Tanzania, Ouganda, Burundi, Belgium, France, Holland, Germany, United Kingdom, United States of America, Canada. Human Rights Organizations. The Press and Media. WITNESS: MUGABE JEAN-PIERRE Former Director of the Rwandese newspaper, Le Tribun du Peuple. Former Intelligence Officer of the Department G2 of National Gendarmerie (Rwandan Patriotic Army). Graduate Expert Detective (Belgium). Currently Consultant and Research Fellow at International Strategic Studies Association (ISSA), Washington DC, USA. The PERPETRATORS OF The PRESIDENTIAL AIRCRAFT CRASH. Major-General Paul KAGAME Maj.-Gen. Paul Kagame is the son of Rutagambwa and Siteriya and comes from Gitisi and Nyamagana near Ruhango (GITARAMA). He studied primary school in Uganda and finished four years of Secondary school at Ntare school in Mbarara (Uganda). He became a Major in the Ugandan National Resistance Army with the function of Deputy Chief of the Ugandan Directorate of Military Intelligence. He subsequently became Vice-President of Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) and Commander-in-Chief of the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA). He became Vice- President of the Republic of Rwanda and its Minister of Defense. He is now nominated to be President of the Republic of Rwanda, and was scheduled to be confirmed in that office on April 22, 2000. Colonel James KABAREBE. Colonel James Kabarebe was the private Secretary and aide-de-camp (ADC) of Major-General Paul Kagame [see above]. He became Commander of the High Command Unit at Mulindi. Later, this Unit became the Republican Guard under his leadership. James Kabarebe was the Commander-in-Chief of the Congolese Army Forces (FAC) after Mzee Laurent Desire Kabila took power in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in 1997. Soon after, James took the control of forces determined to overthrow Mzee Kabila. He is now the Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA). Lieutenant-Colonel Charles KAYONGA Lt.-Col. Charles Kayonga was chief in charge of the Operations Unit of High Command Unit at Mulindi - at that time with the rank of lieutenant - from December 1993 until July 1, 1994. From lieutenant, he was promoted directly to the rank of Lieutenant-colonel and given the command of the RPA battalion sent to Kigali to what is now the National Assembly (then the NDC: National Development Council) after the signing of the Arusha Accords. Kayonga had under his command more than 3,200 RPA troops, wearing civilian clothes, who clandestinely entered into the city of Kigali. PREPARING FOR CONFLICT WHILE NEGOTIATING PEACE Both the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) and the Habyalimana Government were preparing for war while engaged in the Arusha Peace Process. Preparations on the side of Habyalimana's Rwandan Armed Forces (FAR): The Rwandan Government was heavily involved during 1993 in buying military equipment: arms and ammunition. This is shown by the funds of 2.5-billion Rwandese francs, paid to Dominique Lemaunier, a French businessman, who was supposed to deliver the equipment. It was Marc RUGENERA, by then Finance Minister, who signed the contract for the purchases on the Government side. The deal was followed up by Lt.- Col. Kayumba Cyprien of the FAR (Rwandan Armed Forces). In March 1994, arms purchased in Egypt and sent to Kigali by a British aircraft were distributed to the Interahamwe militia of Pres. Habyalimana's political party, the MRND. These Interahamwe militia units were being trained militarily and receiving arms and ammunition specifically to undertake a genocidal assault against the nation's Tutsi population. They also planned a massacre of some political opposition leaders, including those who happened to be moderate Hutu. At the same time the Interahamwe were recruiting, with their numbers growing to 50,000. Army [FAR] Reservists, too, were given instructions to train the Interahamwe. All prefectures of Rwanda received funds from the Government, to distribute to the Interahamwe. President Habyalimana in 1993, meanwhile, deliberately delayed the implementation of the Arusha Peace Accords, in order to allow more time for his Army units and militias to prepare for the coming mass destruction. Radio Television of Mille Collines (RTLM) was strengthen in human and financial terms from the Akazu [clan, support base] of Habyalimana, specifically to propagate ethnic hatred against the Tutsi and to mobilize all Hutu extremists favoring the genocide against the Tutsi population. PREPARATIONS IN The RWANDAN PATRIOTIC FRONT. During and after the signing of the Arusha Peace Accords, the Rwandan Patriotic Front was preparing for the final battle. After the signature by both sides involved in the conflict, [then] Major [now Major-General] Paul Kagame started visiting all Unit Commands under the areas controlled by RPF. He met with us (Rwandan Patriotic Army soldiers) and assured us that we should not believe at all in Arusha Peace Accords. "Be ready with your military equipment, we are going to fight for the final war against the Kigali Government," Major Paul Kagame told the RPF troops. Thereafter, the military forces in different units received intensive training in Karama, a political-military center in Byumba prefecture. In addition, the nominally-civilian cadres of RPF also received some military and political training in Karama to support the RPA. When the RPF had sent its RPA battalion of 600 troops to Kigali under command of Lt.-Col. Charles Kayonga, other military units in civilian clothes also infiltrated the town of Kigali. Every time that RPF trucks came to our headquarter in Mulindi to load military supplies and firewood to be sent to the battalion in Kigali (at the CND, where the RPA battalion was based), arms and ammunition were also loaded, concealed among the supplies which were legitimately supposed to reach Kigali. Heavy arms, including light artillery (such as mortars), were disassembled, before being loaded and later re-assembled upon arrival at the CND building. The RPA officer in charge of that secret operation at Mulindi was Sub.-Lt. Moses of the High Command unit and Captain Charles Karamba of the DMI was based in CND building, orchestrating events from that end. Captain Charles was the liaison officer between Mulindi and Kigali for that operation. He was later appointed military attache in Eritrea, where he has the particular mission of buying arms and military equipments for the RPF. A day before the genocide started, there were 4,000 RPA troops in Kigali. The RPF's high-ranking officers in Kigali under MINUAR [United Nations International Monitoring Unit in Rwanda] were there to survey the preparations of the then- Government Army. RPF officials tried at their best to convince other opposition political parties to address the Rwandan crises by eliminating President Habyalimana. Pres. Habyalimana has been reported as the key person who brought disaster to the country and the person who delayed the implementation of the Arusha Peace Accord. There were, however, other factors. The main political parties, the MDR and PSD, were reluctant to support the RPF proposal in the belief that the RPF itself would not respect the Arusha Peace Accord. Gatabazi Felicien, the incumbent Secretary-General of PSD (Partie Socialiste Democrat), was killed by RPF gunmen while entering his compound in Kigali in February 1994, because he had opposed the RPF plan. The killers used a known and standard RPF method called "standing up". The RPF held a meeting between February and March 1994 at Mulindi with RPF- member businessmen, the sponsors of RPF's guerilla operations. Major-General Paul Kagame, closing that meeting, spoke about the Arusha Peace Accord, accusing Habyalimana of delaying its imprimantation. A businessman named Kalinda Sweet Bread (who subsequently fled Rwanda in 1998 after the RPA killed his child), speaking on behalf of other RPF members, declared that the Arusha Peace Accord delayed the RPF program and that this would cost a lot of money which they would not be capable of providing in the coming days. Major-General Kagame asked for solutions. Kalinda responded that the real solution was to re- attack the Rwandan Government. That proposal was well- received by other businessmen and Kagame did not oppose it. The COLLAPSE OF The ARUSHA PEACE ACCORD WAS The OPPORTUNITY FOR The RPF TO SEIZE POWER It was clear that if the Arusha Peace Accord was to be implemented then both the Habyalimina Administration and the RPF would face possibly insurmountable difficulties. The extent of the corruption by the incumbent Hutu Government of Pres. Habyalimana meant that, if the Accords were to be implemented, senior officials, including the President, would be open to charges of corruption and abuse of power, including the many political murders which they had undertaken. Maj.-Gen. Kagame, for his part, recognized that, because the Arusha Accords called for one-man, one- vote, the Tutsi minority - which the RPF in large part represented - could not win outright power at any stage. [It was well-known that elections would not favor the RPF because Hutu power cores of the MRND, MDR, CDR, PSD and PL parties were composed mostly of Hutu.] As a result, both leaders, for different reasons, knew that implementation of the Arusha Accords was not acceptable, despite public posturing to the contrary. Generals Habyalimana and Kagame were known, therefore, to believe that the power sharing was weakening both sides. The Arusha Accords were becoming increasingly meaningless to both of them, but they were required, for domestic as well as international reasons, to continue paying lip-service to the process. Maj.-Gen. Kagame at this stage was clearly committed, therefore, to continuing the guerilla war against the Habyalimana, up to and including the assassination of the President. It has become clear that, in this process, Maj.-Gen. Kagame was aware of the fact that killing Pres. Habyalimana would initiate mass destruction and genocide. RPF officers, such as myself, were told in 1993 by the RPF leadership that intelligence reports indicated that Pres. Habyalimana's Hutu followers would begin a campaign to kill all Tutsis in the event that Kagame attempted to seize power. This intelligence was leaked to the exiled King of Rwanda, King Kigeli V, by his supporters within the RPF, and the King subsequently used the information to issue written warnings to the United States Government and the United Nations that a campaign of genocide was expected. These warnings are now a matter of public record. It is understood that Pres. Habyalimana confirmed these warnings in separate messages to the King. As an intelligence officer, I knew that Maj.-Gen. Kagame was well- informed of the fact that Pres. Habyalimana's Presidential Guard and Interahamwe militia were trained and armed to eliminate Tutsi groups in case Paul Kagame attempted to take power. He knew very well that almost all Tutsi were registered on the list of those who had to be exterminated. Militia Interahamwe units were deployed throughout the country, waiting to kill all Tutsi inside Rwanda. The RPF's clandestine broadcasting unit, Radio Muhabura, consistently and openly broadcast at the time details of the Interahamwe's plans for attacks on Tutsis. The following examples demonstrate that extent of that situation: Gatabazi Felicien, noted above, was assassinated by the RPF because he had refused to endorse the plan to kill Habyalimana. The RPF had been afraid that he might reveal the plans to Habyalimana who was a close associate in an arms business which weapons supplied to Palipehutu, a criminal-extremist Hutu group in Burundi, and through Mr. Minani, who was at that time a Burundian Minister. The transit store of those arms was a company called Mimosa, a travel company located behind St. Andrews College at Nyamirambo, a suburb of Kigali. Mimosa belonged to Mbarushimana Antoine, a close friend to Gatabazi. Mbarushimana was subsequently killed by RPA at Nyanza (a sub- prefecture of Butare) after the genocide, in order to silence a witness of Gatabazi's death. In response to the killing of Gatabazi, the PSD militants of Butare prefecture, ignoring the psychological operations of the RPF, killed Bucyana Martin, President of CDR (Coalition pour la defense de la Republique) in revenge, believing that their leader was killed by CDR or Habyalimana. The Interahamwe and CDR militia in turn reacted angrily and killed many Tutsi in revenge for the killing of Bucyana. This rapid and violent sequence of events made it clear to Kagame what would happen if he attempted to kill Habyalimana. Another corroborating example was the death in 1993 of Katumba, one of the Interahamwe leaders, who was shot dead, presumably by the RPF, because the Interahamwe and CDR had killed so many Tutsi of Kigali. This wave of killings should have served as an alarm which could not have gone unnoticed. Still, the plan of Kagame was to take power in Rwanda regardless of the lives of Tutsi and Hutu moderate which would be lost when the anticipated genocide began. Kagame's choice in 1994 of Pasteur Bizimungu, a Hutu, to be the figurehead President behind whom Kagame could operate secretly, was beneficial to him in helping to bring his plans to fruition without causing international alarm. This process ended for Kagame when Pres. Bizimungu resigned in March 2000, tired of being a show president while the real power was with the nominal Vice-President and Defense Minister, Paul Kagame. MILITARY PERSONNEL OF RPA WERE TRAINED TO OPERATE SURFACE-TO-AIR MISSILES TO SHOOT DOWN The PRESIDENTIAL AIRCRAFT Following the signing of the Arusha Accord by the Habyalimina Government and the RPF in January 1994, a battalion of the RPA was sent to the Parliament, the CND, in Kigali. At the same time, other RPA units secretly infiltrated Kigali in civilian clothes. Concurrently, Maj.-Gen. Kagame sent to Uganda four of his military personnel to be trained in the operation of the Russian-built SA-7 Strela man-portable surface-to-air missile (SAM). This type of missile was already in service with the Ugandan Army. Given that there was no air threat to the RPA at the time - because the RPA units were in the center of the common capital city, Kigali, and because the Rwandan Armed Forces of Habyalimana had only a few armed helicopters - it is clear that the purpose of the training was specifically to shoot down the presidential aircraft of Pres. Habyalimana at the earliest possible opportunity. After training in Uganda, all four RPA troops were returned to Mulindi, the General Headquarters (or High Command) of the RPA in Byumba Prefecture, where they were transferred to the Missile Unity [the term "Unity" normally applies to a three-battalion formation, but not in this case], which was in reality a small missile section commanded by Lieutenant Kayumba Joseph. Kayumba was later known to be living at Kanombe Barracks, in Kigali, and was later been promoted to the rank of Captain. I was a witness of these events, living at Mulindi, and where Kayumba Joseph and his colleagues were friends of mine. At the end of February 1994, considering the refusal of Habyalimana to implement the Arusha peace accord, Lt.-Col. Kayonga, then commander of the RPF's Battalion based in the CND, sent a message to Lieutenant Kayumba ordering him to send the four missile-trained military troops to the CND. After receiving that message, Lieutenant Kayumba had immediately sent them to CND without informing Lt.-Col. Kabarebe James, his Commanding Officer. Lt.-Col. Kabarebe imprisoned Lt. Kayumba because of that failure to inform him of the transfer of the four troops. In March 1994, the RPA's High Command led by Kagame called on the RPF officials based in Kigali to return to Mulindi. Most of them left Kigali for Mulindi. Two weeks before the crash of the Presidential aircraft, Maj.-Gen. Kagame sent Lt.-Col. James Kabarebe to bring the SA-7 surface-to-air missiles to the CND detachment, and to give final instructions related to the new attack against the Rwandese Army forces [FAR] and brief the four soldiers designated to shoot down the aircraft of Habyalimana. Lt.-Col. Kabarebe spent more than one week in CND before returning to Mulindi. Two RPF leaders, Colonels Kanyarengwe Alexis and Lizinde Theoneste, who had earlier served in the Habyalimana Government, gave information and instructions as to where the missiles should be placed. [Col. Lizinde Theoneste, who later defected, was subsequently assassinated in 1998 by RPF operatives in Nairobi, Kenya, in order to ensure the secrecy of the missile operation.] The missile locations were at Masaka sector of the Kanombe commune, on the outskirts of Kigali, where aircraft make their final approach before landing. Two weeks before the Habyalimana's aircraft crash, 12 artillery systems were brought from Uganda, and arrived at our headquaters in Mulindi. In the meantime, our High Command was busy organizing meetings and preparing for the final battle to take control of Kigali. Those who attended the meetings were: Colonels Ndungute, Sam Kaka, Kayumba Nyamwasa, Twahirwa Dodo, Gashumba, Muhire, Mugambage Frank, Ngoga, Bagire, Biseruka, Musitu, and Karemera. Among the lieutenant-colonels were James Kabarebe, Ibingira, Rwahama, Nyamurangwa, Karangwa, Kadhafi, Karera, Gahutu, and others. The AIRCRAFT CRASH AND The BEGINNING OF The GENOCIDE PREPARED IN ADVANCE BY HUTU POWER, AND HOW KAGAME'S PLANS BECAME The CATALYST Once the preparations to eliminate Pres. Habyalimana were completed, it was necessary to find a reason to force Pres. Habyalimana to travel by aircraft over the area where the missiles were deployed. Given that the missiles were deployed along the approach path to Kanombe Airport at Kigali, it was then only necessary to know the time of the return to Kigali by Pres. Habyalimana's aircraft. As part of the planning, the leaders of the RPF had been lobbying in friendly countries so that these countries would convince Pres. Mwinyi of Tanzania to organize a regional summit about Burundi's problems, and about the implementation of the Arusha Peace Accords. The RPF insisted that military chiefs also be invited. The summit was a trap for Habyalimana, giving Kagame a way to take power. But as part of their prepared attack, Hutu extremists also took that opportunity to exterminate the Tutsi who had been listed days before. Kagame was aware that this would occur, as a response triggered by the death of Habyalimana. The RPF proposed that Rwandan and Burundian military chiefs be invited to the Arusha meeting. The aim of Kagame was that Major-General Nsabimana, the Army Chief of Staff, be killed with Habyalimana so that the leadership of FAR would be destroyed and non-existent. The FAR was already undermined by internal North-South regional dissent. Before the regional meeting was held and chaired by Tanzanian President Hassan Mwinyi, RPF president Alexis Kanyarengwe went to Tanzania and came back to Byumba. On his return, he met us at Rubaya in Byumba where we were in a meeting. He said: "Instead of continuing pushing from outside, it is better to go in and kill the enemy." That is what happened on April 6, 1994. Before going to Dar-es-Salam Summit, Habyalimana went to see Zaire [now Democratic Republic of Congo] President Mobutu Sese Seko to seek his participation so that he could support him against leaders of states favorable to RPF. He also asked Pres. Mobutu to provide him (Habyalimana) with intelligence support to check information on the RPF, and about the assassination attempt which the RPF was expected to commit against him. The information was provided by Ngbanda Honore, former security adviser to Pres. Mobutu. He participated to the meeting of the two heads-of-state. Ngbanda was the one who was going to help Habyalimana in analyzing and cross- checking the information related to death threats against Habyalimana. One day before the summit took place, Pres. Mobutu's advisers asked Pres. Mobutu not to go at the summit for security reasons. RPF soldiers in the CND battalion, and those who had infiltrated in Kigali town before April 6, 1994, had finished war preparation. Other units were ready to attack. Colonel Lizinde Theoneste, RPF Member of Parliament, was an intelligence specialist. He was among RPF officials at the time staying in the CND building and collaborating in the RPF intelligence search about Habyalimana's army operations. Col. Lizinde, as noted above, is the one who recommended Masaka as the perfect site from where to shoot the presidential aircraft. Col. Lizinde had a public notoriety, was very well known in many ways, and was a friend of mine. After the genocide, he told me many times that he was afraid to be killed one day because of the information he had about the aircraft crash. He told me that if he was killed it would be because of the secret he had about Habyalimana's assassination by Paul Kagame. Lizinde was also a private adviser of Kagame. I knew well about their friendship. Kagame promoted him to the rank of colonel and nominated him as an RPF member of Parliament. In the end, Lizinde went into exile. Those who followed up his departure in exile, know that two officers have been asked to give explanations. These officers are Lt.-Col. Rwahama of the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI), who had instruction to watch Lizinde and prevent his escape. The other officer is Lt.-Col. James Kabarebe, a Republican Guard commander. The two have been sanctioned for their lack of vigilance, which helped Lizinde to escape. That is one of the reasons Rwahama has been put aside. After the departure of Lizinde, the intelligence service sent to me intelligence officers who were, in fact, friends of mine, to check if I knew his escape plan. It is Lizinde who told me that the four soldiers involved in the missiles had left Mulindi for Kigali (CND: Parliament House) in the perspective of presidential aircraft attempt. The four soldiers had been received in CND by Major Rose Kabuye who was in charge of that. Lizinde told me that it was Col. Kabarebe who gave the latest instructions to shoot Habyalimana's Falcon executive aircraft. Before April 6, 1994, some RPF high-ranking officers withdrew their families from Kigali. Two weeks before that date, the Colonel James Kabarebe was the one who has been designated by Paul Kagame to convoy the missiles; James Kabarebe was also charged to communicate to those in CND the last instructions in regard to the war. He spent almost one week in CND before he came back to Mulindi. Because Lizinde was aware of the plot to shoot down the presidential Falcon, on the morning of April 6, 1994, he asked some of his friends to leave Kigali before that night. He told them that it was not for the purpose of peace that James Kabarebe came to Kigali in CND. Colonel Lizinde personally went to bring his own family from Kigali but he did not find them and came immediately back to Mulindi. The shooting down of the aircraft took place around 20.25 hrs local time. In the aircraft, were President Habyalimana, President Ntaryamira of Burundi, Major-General Nsabimana, Chief of Rwandan Armed Forces [FAR], Ambassador Renzaho (a senior advisor to Habyalimina), Doctor Akingeneye (the president's personal doctor), and others. At the time of the shooting, I was watching the World Cup football with some of the RPF high-ranking officers, including Major- General Paul Kagame, Colonels Ndugute, Biseruka, and Twahirwa. Immediately after the aircraft crash, Colonel James Kabarebe came into the room where we were watching the football, and took Paul Kagame outside to discuss the matter in private. Soon after, Colonel James Kabarebe called upon Colonel Ndugute and other high-ranking officers for a meeting outside. The High Command Unit immediately took the decision to attack Kigali that night. This Unit operated under the direct command of Paul Kagame and James Kabarebe. All other RPF Units prepared themselves and launched their attack. CONCLUSION The decision of Paul Kagame to shoot Pres. Habyalimana's aircraft was the catalyst of an unprecedented drama in the Rwandan history, and Major-General Paul Kagame took that decision with all awareness. Kagame's ambition caused the extermination of all of our families: Tutsis, Hutus and Twas. We all lost. Kagame's take-over took away the lives of a large number of Tutsis and caused the unnecessary exodus of millions of Hutus, many of whom were innocent under the hands of the genocide ringleaders. Some naive Rwandans proclaimed Kagame as their savior, but time has demonstrated that it was he who caused our suffering and misfortunes. He has already put under protection some families who had given large amount of money in terms of war contribution, while our ordinary families were left to assailants of the Interahamwe. Can Kagame explain to Rwandan people why he sent Claude Dusaidi and Charles Muligande to New York and Washington to stop the UN military intervention which was supposed to be sent and protect the Rwandan people from the genocide? The reason behind avoiding that military intervention was to allow the RPF leadership the takeover of the Kigali Government and to show the world that they - the RPF - were the ones who stopped the genocide. We will all remember that the genocide occurred during three months, even though Kagame has said that he was capable of stopping it the first week after the aircraft crash. Can Major-General Paul Kagame explain why he asked to MINUAR to leave Rwandan soil within hours while the UN was examining the possibility of increasing its troops in Rwanda in order to stop the genocide? I decided to reveal the truth and only the all truth so that everyone knows what happened. These were the hidden truths and that is why Kagame sent assassins with diplomatic passports to the United States of America to look for me, because he knows that I know who did what. You may see that some people I mentioned are no longer alive because they were killed by the Kagame's death squads. Now, the world should start to ask questions, how and why such and such person was eliminated outside and inside Rwanda in suspicious way. I ask the International Tribunal to prosecute Major- General Kagame and his clique. As a witness who saw and heard what I have written now, I am ready to prove that Major-General Paul Kagame is guilty of the aircraft crash crime. I will give other proof which I hold later, in order to not undermine the inquiry. AN IMPORTANT NOTE The genocidal Hutus who killed defenseless Tutsis and other revisionists and extremist groups should not use this testimony to deny the existence of the genocide against the Tutsis and think that Kagame's crime against the President Habyalimana entitled them to kill Tutsis. Those responsible for the genocide of 1994 must be prosecuted according to international and national law. I ask all Rwandans to isolate Paul Kagame. I ask the International Justice community to accomplish its responsibility in that matter. Furthermore, Kagame must be prosecuted for the assassination of Kabera Assiel, the former presidential advisor; Seth Sendashonga, the former Interior minister; Theoneste Lizinde, a former high-ranking official; Felicien Gatabazi, a former political leader; other former high-profile figures in the leadership of the RPF, and others. The International Community did not know that Kagame does not have the capability to unite the Rwandan people. The world community welcomed him and gave him support. It must know now, once and for all, that such a criminal, whoever is, will never be able to unite the Rwandan people. Jean-Pierre Mugabe: Given by my hand, in Washington DC, this 21st Day of April,2000. The International Strategic Studies Association PO Box 20407, Alexandria, Virginia 22320, United States of America. Telephone (703) 548-1070. Facsimile (703) 684-7476. E-mail : StratConf@aol.com. Website: www.StrategicStudies.org Date: Tue, 18 Apr 2000 16:57:56 PDT From: "pierre ubalijoro" <pubalijoro@hotmail.com> Subject: rwandanet: Rwanda's President designate consolidates power Rwanda's president-designate consolidates power By Mark Turner in Nairobi Published: April 18 2000 16:01GMT | Last Updated: April 18 2000 16:58GMT With his formal ascendancy to the Rwandan presidency this week, Paul Kagame, the soldier who put an end to country's genocide in 1994, has firmly consolidated the grip that his group of returnees has over the tiny, scarred central African state. On Monday, Rwanda's parliament and cabinet overwhelmingly decided that the major-general should lead the country's transition to democracy over the next three years, and made him the first Tutsi president since independence. It is the culmination of an often tense process over recent months, which saw the departure of Rwanda's parliamentary speaker, the prime minister and finally the president, Pasteur Bizimungu. The shake-up has revealed numerous tensions. Tutsi survivors of the genocide are clashing with the returned diaspora who restored peace to the country through military take-over in 1994. Also, while the changes have not been characterised as a conflict between minority Tutsi and the majority Hutu groups per se, it has been noted that both the prime minister and the president were Hutus. Journalists are complaining that free speech is discouraged. But commentators who feared that the changes might lead to unrest have so far proved mistaken. Political parties and regional authorities throughout the country endorsed Mr Kagame's candidacy, and the general public appear, on the surface, to have accepted his promotion as a matter of course. Donors, whose continued support is crucial to Rwanda's move from relief to rehabilitation, remain supportive. Nevertheless, Mr Kagame - at heart a military man - will no longer have anyone else to take the fall if things go wrong. He takes over a country in economic trouble, conducting an unpopular war in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and still suffering from unresolved inter-ethnic issues. A vast prison population is draining resources. Although opposition is muted, Rwandans across the board may start to lose patience with extreme poverty and struggling social services. Growth has slowed, hit by low tea and coffee prices, high oil prices, and increasing transport costs. There is talk of turning Rwanda into a high-tech service hub, but in the shorter-term it difficult to see where recovery will come from. And while the war in the Congo has led to better security within Rwanda's frontiers, it is breeding new ethnic hatred across the border and is fostering tensions with its erstwhile ally, Uganda, to the north. But the ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front is quick to dismiss suggestions that the country is taking a dangerous turn. "What we need now is an RPF that can deliver on its promises," says Emmanuel Ndhiro, defence spokesman and party stalwart. "What do people want? They want stability, the rule of law and good governance." -------------------------------------------------------------------- -- Date: Sun, 23 Apr 2000 11:16:05 +0200 From: "Eugene Shema" <eugene.shema@wanadoo.fr> Subject: rwandanet: Tr: THE RWANDA GENOCIDE SEEN IN A NEW LIGHT Date : dimanche 23 avril 2000 03:58 Objet : THE RWANDA GENOCIDE SEEN IN A NEW LIGHT Translation and slightly amended version of story published in Aktuelt (Denmark) Monday 17 April 2000 THE RWANDA GENOCIDE SEEN IN A NEW LIGHT New Critical Investigation of Rwanda massacres The Chief Prosecutor at the International Criminal Tribunal in the Hague wants a secret UN-report on the massacres in Rwanda handed over. She considers re-opening investigation of mysterious plane crash. By Gunnar Willum og Bjørn Willum ---------------------------------------------------------------------- ----- THE HAGUE - The attempt to place the responsibility for the massacres in Rwanda, which almost six years ago meant the deaths of a million people, is now taking a dramatic new turn. The Chief Prosecutor at the UN International Criminal Tribunal Carla Del Ponte tells Aktuelt, that she considers to re-open the investigation of the plane crash, which sparked the Rwandan Genocide. The plane carrying then Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana was shot down on April 6th, 1994. That night went down in history as the night when the Genocide of an estimated one million people commenced. Del Ponte says in an interview with Aktuelt that it would be within her jurisdiction to investigate the downing of the plane, 'if we have evidence or concrete suspicion that the assassination of the President was an act related to the Genocide." If this is the case, the investigation will be re-opened, she says. Immediately after the plane crash, which took place shortly after dark, roadblocks were erected all over Kigali, and Hutu extremist militias took to the streets. The murder of the President gave the Hutu extremists the possibility to take power in Rwanda and initiating systematic elimination of their political Hutu opponents and of the Tutsi minority. About 12 hours after the plane crash ten Belgian UN-troops were taken prisoner by the extremists, mutilated and murdered. The result was that Belgium, whose troops constituted the core of a UN-force stationed in the country, withdrew its troops. With nothing obstructing the slaughter the population then became fair game for the Hutu extremists. Until now it has been assumed that Hutu extremists downed the plane to take advantage of the ensuing chaos to seize power. This was also the common assumption when a secret investigation team at the UN International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda in 1996 started to give the circumstances of the plane crash a thorough going-over. But at some point around New Year 1997 the evidence started to point in a different direction, after three informants from the current Rwandan government claimed they had been part of a secret commando- operation team, which had shot down the plane. The three soldiers were in 1994 part of the Tutsi-dominated Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) which stopped the massacres by driving the Hutu extremists into exile and then took power in Rwanda. They claimed the leader of the RPF, Major General Paul Kagame, Rwanda's current Minister of Defence and strongman, had been behind the downing of the plane. Suddenly the investigation turned deadly serious. When the investigators were facing the decisive breakthrough in the investigation they contacted Carla Del Ponte's prede cessor Louise Arbour at the Tribunal's head office in the Hague. Louise Arbour was very intersted in this information, several investigators tell Aktuelt. But when an investigator flew to the Hague to personally hand over a memoranda about the case, she made a U-turn and closed the investigation. Why Arbour closed the investigation remains unclear, but a former investigator has told Aktuelt, that Arbour had been threatened by the Rwandan government not to open an investigation into RPF war crimes. A few months later one of the investigators wrote a report about the case at the UN headquarters in New York. The report was shelved, but in March this year revealed by the Canadian paper National Post. This has made Chief Prosecutor Del Ponte demand that UN Secretary- General Kofi Annan hand over the report. Del Ponte denies to have had any prior knowledge of the investigation. "I have no information, no documents, nothing. I read about it for the first time in the Canadian press," she says. If it is the RPF that shot down the plane, the history of the Genocide must be rewritten. Although it will not alter Hutu extremists' responsibility for the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people, it will put the RPF in a completely different light. RPF has so far been considered in the West as the victims and as those, who stopped the Genocide. "[The RPF] knew that they planned the massacres," says Colonel Luc Marchal, who was second-in-command of the UN-troops in Rwanda and during the months before the Genocide had daily contact with both sides in the conflict. Besides the excellent level of the RPF intelligence networks Colonel Marchal points to the Hate-propaganda spread through media controlled by the Hutu extremists. "They made no secret of their intentions," he says. The RPF, he says, also knew that the extremists were just looking for an excuse to execute their plans. But why kill the Hutu President and thereby provide the best of reasons for the extremists to commence the slaughter of Tutsis? Militarily, the RPF knew they were more than a match for the government army of Habyarimana, Marchal says. "They knew very well what the result [of a war] would be," he says. Despite being militarily superior, however, observers agree that for political reasons the RPF could not be seen as having unilaterally re- started the war and run over the country. But if the enemy government massacred civilians it would make it very hard indeed for the international community to oppose an RPF conquest of the country. And the RPF did not care much for the Tutsis inside Rwanda, Marchal says. The RPF consisted predominantly of exile-Rwandese, who had fled Rwanda during previous pogroms on Tutsis. The Tutsis who remained in Rwanda, he says, "were considered as collaborators by the RPF", since they had not joined the fight against Juvénal Habyarimana's Hutu dictatorship. If indeed the RPF shot down the plane, rather than being the victim of the Hutu militias, the RPF entered into an unholy alliance with the murderers, while the Tutsis inside Rwanda therefore constituted nothing more than a bargaining chip for the rebel movement. And the chip - denoting almost a million Tutsis and moderate Hutus inside Rwanda - was sacrificed on the alter of power. Should this be true, it therefore seriously shatters the notion that the conflict in the tiny Central African country is about Hutus and Tutus fighting for power. __________________________________________________- Translation and slightly amended version of story published in Aktuelt (Denmark) Monday 17 April 2000 RWANDAN GOVERNMENT SUSPECTED OF WAR CRIMES One of the darlings of the West in Central Africa, Rwandas DefenceMinister, risks indictment for crimes against humanity. By Gunnar Willum og Bjørn Willum THE HAGUE - The Chief Prosecutor at the UN war crimes tribunal in the Hague preveals in an exclusive interview with Aktuelt, that she has started an investigation into war crimes committed by the Rwandan government. It is estimated that almost a million people were killed during the Genocide in Rwanda in 1994 when Hutu extremist politicians used militias to try and exterminate all their political Hutu opponents and the Tutsi ethnic minority. The massacres first stopped when the Tutsi-dominated exile-movement the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) defeated the extremists. But during the last couple of years it has emerged that the RPF massacred tens of thousands of innocent Hutus while seizing power in Rwanda. It is those crimes which the Tribunal has now begun investigating. Chief Prosecutor Carla Del Ponte says that she two weeks ago received material from human rights organizations to be used in the >investigation, which commenced in December of last year. While dozens of suspected top-people among the Hutu extremists have so far been arrested and indicted for Genocide or other crimes against humanity, the UN Tribunal has still not prosecuted the responsible persons from the RPF-led government. But his will happen, Del Ponte assures Aktuelt, though she declines to say when and who she will indict as the first suspects. "How could we indict anyone, if we made our inquiries in the press," she says. But observers agree that the extremely well disciplined RPF army as well as the extent of the massacres indicate that they could not have happened without the knowledge or consent of the army leadership. Carla Del Ponte's decision therefore resembles stepping into a political hornets' nest. This is so as it is the duty of the Tribunal to go after the chief responsible. "The summit of the pyramid first," as a former senior official of the Tribunal explains. And this means that the leader of the RPF forces, Major General Paul Kagame, Rwanda's current Minister of Defence and Rwandan strongman, will be among the prime suspects. But since the Genocide Paul Kagame has become somewhat of a darling of the West and in particular the United States, which has made him one of her most important allies in Central Africa. Investigators at the Tribunal have told Aktuelt that an investigation of the RPF can be extremely dangerous. A source told Aktuelt in February that the team working on the RPF- massacres was "completely sealed off from the other investigators in Kigali. The meassures they take to keep this under wraps bear witness to how scared they are. The other investigators are not even supposed to know about it," the person said. But Del Ponte denies that the investigation of the RPF is taking place secretly, and says that she already in December informed the Rwandan government about the decision. "[But] none of our investigation teams work in the open. "How could we indict anyone, if we made our inquiries in the press," she says. Del Ponte, who took office in September, says that she has not beenthreatened by the RPF and denies being afraid of the consequences of the prosecution. Gunnar Willum and Bjørn Willum are free-lance journalists. They can be contacted by e-mail on gunnarwillum@yahoo.com and bjorn@willum.freeserve.co.uk ------------------------------ Date: Tue, 18 Apr 2000 08:05:19 -0700 (PDT) From: Jean-Claude Ndungutse <jndungut@sfu.ca> Subject: rwandanet: "Explain when you return to Rwanda?!!..." what??? Irrespective of whether one likes this regime or not, what can we learn from a statement like this? I always tell you that these people think they are small gods. Spitting threats to a colleague in Hamburg quite clearly paints the whole picture...there are no liberties to be proud of or possibly there are none to talk about at all. No wonder he was heckled...that shows well how much contemptable he is among peers... I have to loud this man...John Mugabi. I am proud of the man. These people are harassed day in day out but they are holding on while we are here in west doing nothing but sitting on our butts. The politicians have failed our country...the bar and the bench worse. But I am proud of these small time journalists who are fighting tooth and nail to usher in change...this at the expense of their comfort and endangering their lives and those of their loved ones mind you. We ought to be proud and recognise these people and support them if needs be. -------------------------------- On Mon, 17 Apr 2000, pierre ubalijoro wrote: Media Killed Off Another UPDF/RPA Clash -- Rwanda The Monitor (Kampala) April 17, 2000 By Sylvia Juuko In Hamburg, Germany Kampala - Rwanda's government spokesman, Joseph Bideri, has said the August 1999 clashes between Uganda and Rwandan armies in Kisangani were almost > repeated recently. Bideri was, April 11, addressing the first Africa International Independent Media conference in Hamburg, Germany. He said the clashes were only stopped by the involvement of local and international media. "Two weeks ago something similar to clashes in Kisangani was going to happen but we flew international and local media representatives to see what was going on. This arrangement averted a possible conflict," he said. Bideri also said Rwanda is the only country that has managed to stave off rebel attacks through its involvement in the DR Congo war. "Of all countries involved in the DRC, only Rwanda has clear evidence warranting its involvement in the DRC. There are no more activities of rebel groups to attack Rwanda from Congo," he said. He was, however, accused of lying to the conference by Rwandese editor of Rwanda Newsline, John Mugabi. Mugabi accused Bideri of "creating a rosy picture on the working environment for independent media in Rwanda". Bideri had earlier said that all journalists have access to sensitive information, including on Rwanda's involvement in the DRC. Mugabi told the conference that the independent media in Rwanda has never been allowed to fly to DRC to cover the war. Bideri was also heckled by the participants when he warned Mugabi that he would "explain when he returned to Rwanda". The Monitor Deputy Editor, David Ouma Balikowa told the conference that the independent media in Uganda is equated to an "opposition" newspaper. Ouma said the international community should impose conditionalities like human rights observance and institutionalising democracy on all the funding channelled to African countries. Ouma said African governments deny independent media advertisement, which limits their performance. The three conference drew participants from Africa and Europe. It was organised by Action For Independent Press and sponsored by a consortium of German organisations. On Mon, 17 Apr 2000, pierre ubalijoro wrote: Media Killed Off Another UPDF/RPA Clash -- Rwanda The Monitor (Kampala) April 17, 2000 By Sylvia Juuko In Hamburg, Germany Kampala - Rwanda's government spokesman, Joseph Bideri, has said the August 1999 clashes between Uganda and Rwandan armies in Kisangani were almost repeated recently. Bideri was, April 11, addressing the first Africa International Independent Media conference in Hamburg, Germany. He said the clashes were only stopped by the involvement of local and international media. "Two weeks ago something similar to clashes in Kisangani was going to happen but we flew international and local media representatives to see what was going on. This arrangement averted a possible conflict," he said. Bideri also said Rwanda is the only country that has managed to stave off rebel attacks through its involvement in the DR Congo war. "Of all countries involved in the DRC, only Rwanda has clear evidence warranting its involvement in the DRC. There are no more activities of rebel groups to attack Rwanda from Congo," he said. He was, however, accused of lying to the conference by Rwandese editor of Rwanda Newsline, John Mugabi. Mugabi accused Bideri of "creating a rosy picture on the working environment for independent media in Rwanda". Bideri had earlier said that all journalists have access to sensitive information, including on Rwanda's involvement in the DRC. Mugabi told the conference that the independent media in Rwanda has never been allowed to fly to DRC to cover the war. Bideri was also heckled by the participants when he warned Mugabi that he would "explain when he returned to Rwanda". The Monitor Deputy Editor, David Ouma Balikowa told the conference that the independent media in Uganda is equated to an "opposition" newspaper. Ouma said the international community should impose conditionalities like human rights observance and institutionalising democracy on all the funding channelled to African countries. Ouma said African governments deny independent media advertisement, which limits their performance. The three conference drew participants from Africa and Europe. It was organised by Action For Independent Press and sponsored by a consortium of German organisations. Date: Wed, 19 Apr 2000 09:39:11 PDT From: "pierre ubalijoro" <pubalijoro@hotmail.com> Subject: rwandanet: Museveni Invited to Swearing-in of Rwandan President Museveni Invited to Swearing-in of Rwandan President KAMPALA (April 19) XINHUA - Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, whose relations with Rwandan President-elect Paul Kagame have been strained for several months, has been invited to attend the April 22 swearing-in ceremony of the latter. Hope Kivengere, presidential press secretary, told Xinhua on Wednesday that Museveni had not yet decided whether to go to Kigali or not. "He has been invited, but I don't know whether he will attend. If he can't make it, he will have to delegate," said Kivengere. "I can't confirm one way or the other because I know he has got some other duties outside the country," she added. The relations between Uganda and Rwanda were badly damaged when the two countries' armies went into clash in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) in August, 1999. Up to 200 soldiers from both sides were reportedly killed in the shoot- out which took place in the DRC's northeastern city of Kisangani. "If Museveni turns up at the Kagame's swearing-in ceremony, it is a sign that there is a chance to improve the relationship between the two governments," an analyst said here on Wednesday. Kagame was elected president by Rwandan parliamentarians and ministers on April 17, replacing Pasteur Bizimungu, who resigned last month. Kagame is the first Tutsi president in the land-locked Hutu-dominant central African country since its independence in 1962. Kagame, also chairman of the ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), was vice president and minister of defense of Rwanda. He has been widely believed to be holding the real reins of power in the country since RPF came to power in 1994. Copyright XINHUA NEWS AGENCY |