The US was behind the Rwandan Genocide:

Rwanda: Installing a US Protectorate in Central Africa

by Michel Chossudovsky

Originally written in May 2000, the following text is Part II of Chapter 7 entitled "Economic Genocide in Rwanda", of the Second Edition of The Globalization of Poverty and the New World Order , Global Outlook, Shanty Bay, Ont. 2003. This text updates the author's analysis on Rwanda written in 1995 , which was published in the first edition of Globalization of Poverty, TWN and Zed Books, Penang and London, 1997. To order the Second Edition of The Globalization of Poverty, click here .
This text is in part based on the results of a study conducted by the author together with Belgian economist Pierre Galand on the use of Rwanda's 1990-94 external debt to finance the military and paramilitary.
The civil war in Rwanda and the ethnic massacres were an integral part of US foreign policy, carefully staged in accordance with precise strategic and economic objectives.
From the outset of the Rwandan civil war in 1990, Washington's hidden agenda consisted in establishing an American sphere of influence in a region historically dominated by France and Belgium. America's design was to displace France by supporting the Rwandan Patriotic Front and by arming and equipping its military arm, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA)
From the mid-1980s, the Kampala government under President Yoweri Musaveni had become Washington's African showpiece of "democracy". Uganda had also become a launchpad for US sponsored guerilla movements into the Sudan, Rwanda and the Congo. Major General Paul Kagame had been head of military intelligence in the Ugandan Armed Forces; he had been trained at the U.S. Army Command and Staff College (CGSC) in Leavenworth, Kansas which focuses on warfighting and military strategy. Kagame returned from Leavenworth to lead the RPA, shortly after the 1990 invasion.
Prior to the outbreak of the Rwandan civil war, the RPA was part of the Ugandan Armed Forces. Shortly prior to the October 1990 invasion of Rwanda, military labels were switched. From one day to the next, large numbers of Ugandan soldiers joined the ranks of the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA). Throughout the civil war, the RPA was supplied from United People's Defense Forces (UPDF) military bases inside Uganda. The Tutsi commissioned officers in the Ugandan army took over positions in the RPA. The October 1990 invasion by Ugandan forces was presented to public opinion as a war of liberation by a Tutsi led guerilla army.
Militarization of Uganda
The militarization of Uganda was an integral part of US foreign policy. The build-up of the Ugandan UPDF Forces and of the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) had been supported by the US and Britain. The British had provided military training at the Jinja military base:
"From 1989 onwards, America supported joint RPF [Rwandan Patriotic Front]-Ugandan attacks upon Rwanda... There were at least 56 'situation reports' in [US] State Department files in 1991… As American and British relations with Uganda and the RPF strengthened, so hostilities between Uganda and Rwanda escalated… By August 1990 the RPF had begun preparing an invasion with the full knowledge and approval of British intelligence. 20
Troops from Rwanda's RPA and Uganda's UPDF had also supported John Garang's People's Liberation Army in its secessionist war in southern Sudan. Washington was firmly behind these initiatives with covert support provided by the CIA. 21
Moreover, under the Africa Crisis Reaction Initiative (ACRI), Ugandan officers were also being trained by US Special Forces in collaboration with a mercenary outfit, Military Professional Resources Inc (MPRI) which was on contract with the US Department of State. MPRI had provided similar training to the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and the Croatian Armed Forces during the Yugoslav civil war and more recently to the Colombian Military in the context of Plan Colombia.
Militarization and the Ugandan External Debt
The buildup of the Ugandan external debt under President Musaveni coincided chronologically with the Rwandan and Congolese civil wars. With the accession of Musaveni to the presidency in 1986, the Ugandan external debt stood at 1.3 billion dollars. With the gush of fresh money, the external debt spiraled overnight, increasing almost threefold to 3.7 billion by 1997. In fact, Uganda had no outstanding debt to the World Bank at the outset of its "economic recovery program". By 1997, it owed almost 2 billion dollars solely to the World Bank. 22
Where did the money go? The foreign loans to the Musaveni government had been tagged to support the country's economic and social reconstruction. In the wake of a protracted civil war, the IMF sponsored "economic stabilization program" required massive budget cuts of all civilian programs.
The World Bank was responsible for monitoring the Ugandan budget on behalf of the creditors. Under the "public expenditure review" (PER), the government was obliged to fully reveal the precise allocation of its budget. In other words, every single category of expenditure --including the budget of the Ministry of Defense-- was open to scrutiny by the World Bank. Despite the austerity measures (imposed solely on "civilian" expenditures), the donors had allowed defense spending to increase without impediment.
Part of the money tagged for civilian programs had been diverted into funding the United People's Defense Force (UPDF) which in turn was involved in military operations in Rwanda and the Congo. The Ugandan external debt was being used to finance these military operations on behalf of Washington with the country and its people ultimately footing the bill. In fact by curbing social expenditures, the austerity measures had facilitated the reallocation of State of revenue in favor of the Ugandan military.
Financing both Sides in the Civil War
A similar process of financing military expenditure from the external debt had occurred in Rwanda under the Habyarimana government. In a cruel irony, both sides in the civil war were financed by the same donors institutions with the World Bank acting as a Watchdog.
The Habyarimana regime had at its disposal an arsenal of military equipment, including 83mm missile launchers, French made Blindicide, Belgian and German made light weaponry, and automatic weapons such as kalachnikovs made in Egypt, China and South Africa [as well as ... armored AML-60 and M3 armored vehicles.23 While part of these purchases had been financed by direct military aid from France, the influx of development loans from the World Bank's soft lending affiliate the International Development Association (IDA), the African Development Fund (AFD), the European Development Fund (EDF) as well as from Germany, the United States, Belgium and Canada had been diverted into funding the military and Interhamwe militia.
A detailed investigation of government files, accounts and correspondence conducted in Rwanda in 1996-97 by the author --together with Belgian economist Pierre Galand-- confirmed that many of the arms purchases had been negotiated outside the framework of government to government military aid agreements through various intermediaries and private arms dealers. These transactions --recorded as bona fide government expenditures-- had nonetheless been included in the State budget which was under the supervision of the World Bank. Large quantities of machetes and other items used in the 1994 ethnic massacres --routinely classified as "civilian commodities" -- had been imported through regular trading channels. 24
According to the files of the National Bank of Rwanda (NBR), some of these imports had been financed in violation of agreements signed with the donors. According to NBR records of import invoices, approximately one million machetes had been imported through various channels including Radio Mille Collines, an organization linked to the Interhamwe militia and used to foment ethnic hatred. 25
The money had been earmarked by the donors to support Rwanda's economic and social development. It was clearly stipulated that funds could not be used to import: "military expenditures on arms, ammunition and other military material". 26 In fact, the loan agreement with the World Bank's IDA was even more stringent. The money could not be used to import civilian commodities such as fuel, foodstuffs, medicine, clothing and footwear "destined for military or paramilitary use". The records of the NBR nonetheless confirm that the Habyarimana government used World Bank money to finance the import of machetes which had been routinely classified as imports of "civilian commodities." 27
An army of consultants and auditors had been sent in by World Bank to assess the Habyarimana government's "policy performance" under the loan agreement.28 The use of donor funds to import machetes and other material used in the massacres of civilians did not show up in the independent audit commissioned by the government and the World Bank. (under the IDA loan agreement. (IDA Credit Agreement. 2271-RW).29 In 1993, the World Bank decided to suspend the disbursement of the second installment of its IDA loan. There had been, according to the World Bank mission unfortunate "slip-ups" and "delays" in policy implementation. The free market reforms were no longer "on track", the conditionalities --including the privatization of state assets-- had not been met. The fact that the country was involved in a civil war was not even mentioned. How the money was spent was never an issue.30
Whereas the World Bank had frozen the second installment (tranche) of the IDA loan, the money granted in 1991 had been deposited in a Special Account at the Banque Bruxelles Lambert in Brussels. This account remained open and accessible to the former regime (in exile), two months after the April 1994 ethnic massacres.31
Postwar Cover-up
In the wake of the civil war, the World Bank sent a mission to Kigali with a view to drafting a so-called loan "Completion Report".32 This was a routine exercise, largely focussing on macro-economic rather than political issues. The report acknowledged that "the war effort prompted the [former] government to increase substantially spending, well beyond the fiscal targets agreed under the SAP.33 The misappropriation of World Bank money was not mentioned. Instead the Habyarimana government was praised for having "made genuine major efforts-- especially in 1991-- to reduce domestic and external financial imbalances, eliminate distortions hampering export growth and diversification and introduce market based mechanisms for resource allocation..." 34, The massacres of civilians were not mentioned; from the point of view of the donors, "nothing had happened". In fact the World Bank completion report failed to even acknowledge the existence of a civil war prior to April 1994.
In the wake of the Civil War: Reinstating the IMF's Deadly Economic Reforms
 
In 1995, barely a year after the 1994 ethnic massacres. Rwanda's external creditors entered into discussions with the Tutsi led RPF government regarding the debts of the former regime which had been used to finance the massacres. The RPF decided to fully recognize the legitimacy of the "odious debts" of the 1990-94. RPF strongman Vice-President Paul Kagame [now President] instructed the Cabinet not to pursue the matter nor to approach the World Bank. Under pressure from Washington, the RPF was not to enter into any form of negotiations, let alone an informal dialogue with the donors.
The legitimacy of the wartime debts was never questioned. Instead, the creditors had carefully set up procedures to ensure their prompt reimbursement. In 1998 at a special donors' meeting in Stockholm, a Multilateral Trust Fund of 55.2 million dollars was set up under the banner of postwar reconstruction.35 In fact, none of this money was destined for Rwanda. It had been earmarked to service Rwanda's "odious debts" with the World Bank (--i.e. IDA debt), the African Development Bank and the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD).
In other words, "fresh money" --which Rwanda will eventually have to reimburse-- was lent to enable Rwanda to service the debts used to finance the massacres. Old loans had been swapped for new debts under the banner of post-war reconstruction.36 The "odious debts" had been whitewashed, they had disappeared from the books. The creditor's responsibility had been erased. Moreover, the scam was also conditional upon the acceptance of a new wave of IMF-World Bank reforms.
Post War "Reconstruction and Reconciliation"
Bitter economic medicine was imposed under the banner of "reconstruction and reconciliation". In fact the IMF post-conflict reform package was far stringent than that imposed at the outset of the civil war in 1990. While wages and employment had fallen to abysmally low levels, the IMF had demanded a freeze on civil service wages alongside a massive retrenchment of teachers and health workers. The objective was to "restore macro-economic stability". A downsizing of the civil service was launched.37 Civil service wages were not to exceed 4.5 percent of GDP, so-called "unqualified civil servants" (mainly teachers) were to be removed from the State payroll. 38
Meanwhile, the country's per capita income had collapsed from $360 (prior to the war) to $140 in 1995. State revenues had been tagged to service the external debt. Kigali's Paris Club debts were rescheduled in exchange for "free market" reforms. Remaining State assets were sold off to foreign capital at bargain prices.
The Tutsi led RPF government rather than demanding the cancellation of Rwanda's odious debts, had welcomed the Bretton Woods institutions with open arms. They needed the IMF "greenlight" to boost the development of the military.
Despite the austerity measures, defense expenditure continued to grow. The 1990-94 pattern had been reinstated. The development loans granted since 1995 were not used to finance the country's economic and social development. Outside money had again been diverted into financing a military buildup, this time of the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA). And this build-up of the RPA occurred in the period immediately preceding the outbreak of civil war in former Zaire.
Civil War in the Congo
Following the installation of a US client regime in Rwanda in 1994, US trained Rwandan and Ugandan forces intervened in former Zaire --a stronghold of French and Belgian influence under President Mobutu Sese Seko. Amply documented, US special operations troops -- mainly Green Berets from the 3rd Special Forces Group based at Fort Bragg, N.C.-- had been actively training the RPA. This program was a continuation of the covert support and military aid provided to the RPA prior to 1994. In turn, the tragic outcome of the Rwandan civil war including the refugee crisis had set the stage for the participation of Ugandan and Rwandan RPA in the civil war in the Congo:
"Washington pumped military aid into Kagame's army, and U.S. Army Special Forces and other military personnel trained hundreds of Rwandan troops. But Kagame and his colleagues had designs of their own. While the Green Berets trained the Rwandan Patriotic Army, that army was itself secretly training Zairian rebels.… [In] Rwanda, U.S. officials publicly portrayed their engagement with the army as almost entirely devoted to human rights training. But the Special Forces exercises also covered other areas, including combat skills… Hundreds of soldiers and officers were enrolled in U.S. training programs, both in Rwanda and in the United States… [C]onducted by U.S. Special Forces, Rwandans studied camouflage techniques, small-unit movement, troop-leading procedures, soldier-team development, [etc]… And while the training went on, U.S. officials were meeting regularly with Kagame and other senior Rwandan leaders to discuss the continuing military threat faced by the [former Rwandan] government [in exile] from inside Zaire… Clearly, the focus of Rwandan-U.S. military discussion had shifted from how to build human rights to how to combat an insurgency… With [Ugandan President] Museveni's support, Kagame conceived a plan to back a rebel movement in eastern Zaire [headed by Laurent Desire Kabila] ... The operation was launched in October 1996, just a few weeks after Kagame's trip to Washington and the completion of the Special Forces training mission… Once the war [in the Congo] started, the United States provided "political assistance" to Rwanda,… An official of the U.S. Embassy in Kigali traveled to eastern Zaire numerous times to liaise with Kabila. Soon, the rebels had moved on. Brushing off the Zairian army with the help of the Rwandan forces, they marched through Africa's third-largest nation in seven months, with only a few significant military engagements. Mobutu fled the capital, Kinshasa, in May 1997, and Kabila took power, changing the name of the country to Congo…U.S. officials deny that there were any U.S. military personnel with Rwandan troops in Zaire during the war, although unconfirmed reports of a U.S. advisory presence have circulated in the region since the war's earliest days.39
American Mining Interests
At stake in these military operations in the Congo were the extensive mining resources of Eastern and Southern Zaire including strategic reserves of cobalt -- of crucial importance for the US defense industry. During the civil war several months before the downfall of Mobutu, Laurent Desire Kabila basedin Goma, Eastern Zaire had renegotiated the mining contracts with several US and British mining companies including American Mineral Fields (AMF), a company headquartered in President Bill Clinton's hometown of Hope, Arkansas.40
Meanwhile back in Washington, IMF officials were busy reviewing Zaire's macro-economic situation. No time was lost. The post-Mobutu economic agenda had already been decided upon. In a study released in April 1997 barely a month before President Mobutu Sese Seko fled the country, the IMF had recommended "halting currency issue completely and abruptly" as part of an economic recovery programme.41 And a few months later upon assuming power in Kinshasa, the new government of Laurent Kabila Desire was ordered by the IMF to freeze civil service wages with a view to "restoring macro-economic stability." Eroded by hyperinflation, the average public sector wage had fallen to 30,000 new Zaires (NZ) a month, the equivalent of one U.S. dollar.42
The IMF's demands were tantamount to maintaining the entire population in abysmal poverty. They precluded from the outset a meaningful post-war economic reconstruction, thereby contributing to fuelling the continuation of the Congolese civil war in which close to 2 million people have died.
Concluding Remarks
The civil war in Rwanda was a brutal struggle for political power between the Hutu-led Habyarimana government supported by France and the Tutsi Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) backed financially and militarily by Washington. Ethnic rivalries were used deliberately in the pursuit of geopolitical objectives. Both the CIA and French intelligence were involved.
In the words of former Cooperation Minister Bernard Debré in the government of Prime Minister Henri Balladur:
"What one forgets to say is that, if France was on one side, the Americans were on the other, arming the Tutsis who armed the Ugandans. I don't want to portray a showdown between the French and the Anglo-Saxons, but the truth must be told." 43
In addition to military aid to the warring factions, the influx of development loans played an important role in "financing the conflict." In other words, both the Ugandan and Rwanda external debts were diverted into supporting the military and paramilitary. Uganda's external debt increased by more than 2 billion dollars, --i.e. at a significantly faster pace than that of Rwanda (an increase of approximately 250 million dollars from 1990 to 1994). In retrospect, the RPA -- financed by US military aid and Uganda's external debt-- was much better equipped and trained than the Forces Armées du Rwanda (FAR) loyal to President Habyarimana. From the outset, the RPA had a definite military advantage over the FAR.
According to the testimony of Paul Mugabe, a former member of the RPF High Command Unit, Major General Paul Kagame had personally ordered the shooting down of President Habyarimana's plane with a view to taking control of the country. He was fully aware that the assassination of Habyarimana would unleash "a genocide" against Tutsi civilians. RPA forces had been fully deployed in Kigali at the time the ethnic massacres took place and did not act to prevent it from happening:
The decision of Paul Kagame to shoot Pres. Habyarimana's aircraft was the catalyst of an unprecedented drama in Rwandan history, and Major-General Paul Kagame took that decision with all awareness. Kagame's ambition caused the extermination of all of our families: Tutsis, Hutus and Twas. We all lost. Kagame's take-over took away the lives of a large number of Tutsis and caused the unnecessary exodus of millions of Hutus, many of whom were innocent under the hands of the genocide ringleaders. Some naive Rwandans proclaimed Kagame as their savior, but time has demonstrated that it was he who caused our suffering and misfortunes… Can Kagame explain to the Rwandan people why he sent Claude Dusaidi and Charles Muligande to New York and Washington to stop the UN military intervention which was supposed to be sent and protect the Rwandan people from the genocide? The reason behind avoiding that military intervention was to allow the RPF leadership the takeover of the Kigali Government and to show the world that they - the RPF - were the ones who stopped the genocide. We will all remember that the genocide occurred during three months, even though Kagame has said that he was capable of stopping it the first week after the aircraft crash. Can Major-General Paul Kagame explain why he asked to MINUAR to leave Rwandan soil within hours while the UN was examining the possibility of increasing its troops in Rwanda in order to stop the genocide?44
Paul Mugabe's testimony regarding the shooting down of Habyarimana's plane ordered by Kagame is corroborated by intelligence documents and information presented to the French parliamentary inquiry. Major General Paul Kagame was an instrument of Washington. The loss of African lives did not matter. The civil war in Rwanda and the ethnic massacres were an integral part of US foreign policy, carefully staged in accordance with precise strategic and economic objectives.
Despite the good diplomatic relations between Paris and Washington and the apparent unity of the Western military alliance, it was an undeclared war between France and America. By supporting the build up of Ugandan and Rwandan forces and by directly intervening in the Congolese civil war, Washington also bears a direct responsibility for the ethnic massacres committed in the Eastern Congo including several hundred thousand people who died in refugee camps.
US policy-makers were fully aware that a catastrophe was imminent. In fact four months before the genocide, the CIA had warned the US State Department in a confidential brief that the Arusha Accords would fail and "that if hostilities resumed, then upward of half a million people would die". 45 This information was withheld from the United Nations: "it was not until the genocide was over that information was passed to Maj.-Gen. Dallaire [who was in charge of UN forces in Rwanda]." 46
Washington's objective was to displace France, discredit the French government (which had supported the Habyarimana regime) and install an Anglo-American protectorate in Rwanda under Major General Paul Kagame. Washington deliberately did nothing to prevent the ethnic massacres.
When a UN force was put forth, Major General Paul Kagame sought to delay its implementation stating that he would only accept a peacekeeping force once the RPA was in control of Kigali. Kagame "feared [that] the proposed United Nations force of more than 5,000 troops… [might] intervene to deprive them [the RPA] of victory".47 Meanwhile the Security Council after deliberation and a report from Secretary General Boutros Boutros Ghali decided to postpone its intervention.
The 1994 Rwandan "genocide" served strictly strategic and geopolitical objectives. The ethnic massacres were a stumbling blow to France's credibility which enabled the US to establish a neocolonial foothold in Central Africa. From a distinctly Franco-Belgian colonial setting, the Rwandan capital Kigali has become --under the expatriate Tutsi led RPF government-- distinctly Anglo-American. English has become the dominant language in government and the private sector. Many private businesses owned by Hutus were taken over in 1994 by returning Tutsi expatriates. The latter had been exiled in Anglophone Africa, the US and Britain.
The Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) functions in English and Kinyarwanda, the University previously linked to France and Belgium functions in English. While English had become an official language alongside French and Kinyarwanda, French political and cultural influence will eventually be erased. Washington has become the new colonial master of a francophone country.
Several other francophone countries in Sub-Saharan Africa have entered into military cooperation agreements with the US. These countries are slated by Washington to follow suit on the pattern set in Rwanda. Meanwhile in francophone West Africa, the US dollar is rapidly displacing the CFA Franc -- which is linked in a currency board arrangement to the French Treasury.

Notes

 

(Endnote numbering as in the original chapter)

  1. Written in 1999, the following text is Part II of Chapter 5 on the Second Edition of The Globalization of Poverty and the New World Order. The first part of chapter published in the first edition was written in 1994. Part II is in part based on a study conducted by the author and Belgian economist Pierre Galand on the use of Rwanda's 1990-94 external debt to finance the military and paramilitary.
  2. Africa Direct, Submission to the UN Tribunal on Rwanda,
  1. http://www.junius.co.uk/africa- direct/tribunal.html Ibid.
  2. Africa's New Look, Jane's Foreign Report, August 14, 1997.
  3. Jim Mugunga, Uganda foreign debt hits Shs 4 trillion, The Monitor, Kampala, 19 February 1997.
  4. Michel Chossudovsky and Pierre Galand, L'usage de la dette exterieure du Rwanda, la responsabilité des créanciers, mission report, United Nations Development Program and Government of Rwanda, Ottawa and Brussels, 1997.
  5. Ibid
  6. Ibid
  7. ibid, the imports recorded were of the order of kg. 500.000 of machetes or approximately one million machetes.
  8. Ibid
  9. Ibid. See also schedule 1.2 of the Development Credit Agreement with IDA, Washington, 27 June 1991, CREDIT IDA 2271 RW.
  10. Chossudovsky and Galand, op cit
  11. Ibid.
  12. Ibid.
  13. World Bank completion report,
  14. quoted in Chossudovsky and Galand, op cit.
  15. Ibid
  16. Ibid
  17. See World Bank, Rwanda at
  18. http://www.worldbank.org/afr/rw2.htm.
  19. Ibid, italics added
  20. A ceiling on the number of public employees had been set at 38,000 for 1998 down from 40,600 in 1997. See Letter of Intent of the Government of Rwanda including cover letter addressed to IMF Managing Director Michel Camdessus, IMF, Washington, http://www.imf.org/external/np/loi/060498.htm , 1998.
  21. Ibid.
  22. Lynne Duke Africans Use US Military Training in Unexpected Ways, Washington Post. July 14, 1998; p.A01.
  23. Musengwa Kayaya, U.S. Company To Invest in Zaire, Pan African News, 9 May 1997.
  24. International Monetary Fund, Zaire Hyperinflation 1990-1996, Washington, April 1997.
  25. Alain Shungu Ngongo, Zaire-Economy: How to Survive On a Dollar a Month, International Press Service, 6 June 1996.
  26. Quoted in Therese LeClerc. "Who is responsible for the genocide in Rwanda?", World Socialist website at http://www.wsws.org/index.shtml , 29 April 1998.
  27. Paul Mugabe, The Shooting Down Of The Aircraft Carrying Rwandan President Habyarimama , testimony to the International Strategic Studies Association (ISSA), Alexandria, Virginia, 24 April 2000.
  28. Linda Melvern, Betrayal of the Century, Ottawa Citizen, Ottawa, 8 April 2000.
  29. Ibid
  30. Scott Peterson, Peacekeepers will not halt carnage, say Rwanda, rebels, Daily Telegraph, London, May 12, 1994.

AFFAIRE Bill Clinton : La Vérité originale sur le Rwanda au nom de la liberté d’expression: Aucun secret restera caché ici sous le soleil.

 

Bill Clinton derrière le complot préconçu dans le génocide au Rwanda Il a non seulement refusé d’intervenir, il a activement cherché que cela se produise.

Le jour où Bill Clinton a atterri sur l’aéroport de Kigali en Mars 1997 afin de rencontrer son ami Paul Kagame, le peuple américain et le reste du monde pensaient qu’il était là, pour des motifs de compassion. Eh bien, c’était une erreur! Bill Clinton a été très inquiet en raison de la découverte du secret de la tragédie du Rwanda. Ce jour-là, Clinton a réussi à prononcer un discours bien calculé, mais il trahit le profond de son cœur et omit de mentionner le génocide dans son allocution: «Il peut sembler étrange à vous ici, en particulier bon nombre d’entre vous qui avez perdu des membres de votre famille, mais les gens comme moi assis dans les bureaux, jour après jour, n’avons pas pu apprécier pleinement la profondeur et la rapidité avec laquelle ce terrorisme » inimaginable vous a engloutis.

En dehors du contenu du discours, l’essentiel, ici, est le moment: c’était en Mars 1997! Vous rappelez-vous ce qui s’est passé quelques jours avant, à la fin de Février 1997? Eh bien, le juge du TPIR en provenance d’Australie, Michael Hourigan, dans le secret profond de ses enquêtes spéciales, a découvert que c’étaient Kagame et Bill Clinton qui avaient abattu l’avion de Habyarimana, déclenchant la tragédie du Rwanda. Michael Hourigan a eu peur de ressortir publiquement le nom de Clinton. Mais aujourd’hui, 16 ans après, dans une conférence vidéo donnée à partir de son pays natale- Australie, Hourigan estime qu’il est temps de dire la vérité au monde. Alors, comment la vérité a été dévoilée?

C’était le 26 Février 1997. De l’ambassade américaine à Kigali, l’enquêteur du TPIR Michael Hourigan (d’Australie) a fait le fameux «Appel téléphonique du Rwanda» à son patron à La Haye (Hollande), le procureur en chef du TPIR Louise Arbour (du Canada) pour lui faire connaissance des informations très sensibles qu’il venait de découvrir.. Immédiatement, la « Kind Lady» en pleine effervescence, appela New York pour informer le Secrétaire général Kofi Annan. Le «Cold Bath»: Kofi Annan savait, 2 ans avant, dans le bureau du ministre des Affaires étrangères Ndagijimana JMV à Kigali au Rwanda, que c’était Bill Clinton qui avait ordonné l’assassinat de Habyarimana et espérait que ces informations n’allaient jamais être dévoilées. Kofi Annan informa immédiatement Madeleine Albright, le Secrétaire d’Etat de Clinton qui choisit Kofi Annan comme Secrétaire général de l’ONU en remplacement du «Frenchy» Boutros Ghali. Madeleine Albright atterrit dans le bureau ovale en peu de temps: «Monsieur le Président, notre action contre la France dans la tragédie Rwandaise est sortie.

Les enquêteurs du TPIR ont découvert que nous avons abattu l’avion français. Ce fut le début de la longue histoire de cache-cache: Louise Arbour ordonna de licencier le Procureur du TPIR Michael Hourigan et de clore l’enquête. Kofi Annan reçut l’ordre d’envoyer au Rwanda Michael Hall des services sécurité de l’ONU afin d’organiser un départ rapide de Michael Hourigan du Rwanda. Puis, Bill Clinton ordonna à Madeleine Albright de mettre la pression sur les juges du TPIR et de ne pas enquêter sur l’incident qui a déclenché le génocide au Rwanda: le fait d’abattre l’avions de Habyarimana.

Ces ordres de prévention étaient-ils suffisants pour assurer l’esprit de paix à Clinton? L’idée d’être appelé, un jour, un Terroriste Américain fait mal: «Aucun Témoin NE DOIT Survivre». Personne ne doit savoir que j’ai abattu Habyarimana, un ancien haut aide de Clinton peut rappeler aujourd’hui.

Bill Clinton voulait rencontrer tout de suite Paul Kagame, son ami dans le terrorisme. «Oui, Monsieur le Président», ont répondu à l’époque Madeleine Albright et Susan Rice, comme les étudiants en classe. Quelques jours plus tard, Bill Clinton s’est posé sur l’aéroport de Kigali au Rwanda et, après le discours célèbre, il ordonna à Paul Kagame de tuer toutes les personnes qui peuvent connaître l’assassinat de Habyarimana, en commençant par les personnes figurant sur la note de service que Hourigan avait remis à Louise Arbour à La Haye quelques jours auparavant: c’était le début de la longue histoire d’assassinats à travers le monde et près de l’horloge.

C’est dans cet esprit malin de camouflage classé par Bill Clinton que Seth Sendashonga et Théoneste LIZINDE, qui ont aidé les agents Clinton à abattre l’avion d’Habyarimana, ont été assassiné à Nairobi, au Kenya, quelques semaines plus tard. Et récemment, Bill Clinton a conseillé Kagame d’assassiner le général rwandais Faustin Nyamwasa en Afrique du Sud et quand l’attentat a manqué, Clinton s’est rapidement rendu en Afrique du Sud pour faire pression afin étouffer l’affaire. Mais comment Bill Clinton est devenu impliqué dans des actes terroristes derrière Kagame? «Le jour où le mur de la guerre froide a été abattu à Berlin en 1989 parmi les nombreuses festivités, le président français François Mitterrand ne savait pas que la France allait être la prochaine cible de l’American Empire. 20 ans plus tard à partir de là, l’image de cette guerre américaine Invisible contre la France est terrible: 12 millions de personnes tuées en Afrique francophone et un cas certifié du génocide au Rwanda.

Et les victimes sont tous les Nègres africains. Alors, qui savaient? Et quand ils le savaient? Eh bien, malheureusement, l’homme qui le premier a eu l’idée infâme sur la table est notre Black Héro, le général Colin Powell. Tout commence le 25 novembre 1987, en Californie, sur les collines de Santa Ynez, Santa Barbara, au ranch du président Reagan. Le général est heureux de dire à son patron que la guerre froide avec les Soviétiques est terminée: «Monsieur le Président, le Kremlin n’a plus l’endurance nécessaire pour exercer, le secrétaire à la Défense George Shultz a conclu un accord nucléaire avec les Soviétiques d’hier».

Le Président, dans toute excitation, invita le général de trouver un nouvel ennemi à combattre. Et le nouvel ennemi sera l’Empire Français en Afrique. Les ressources du Congo ont été désignées comme un trésor indispensable à saisir par tous les moyens, y compris les génocides. Comme un nouvel ordre venait de sortir de Washington, le président français François Mitterrand perçut la menace et pour prévenir, décida d’anticiper les changements. Il invita alors tous les présidents africains sous son contrôle à La Baule (France) et leur imposa un changement radical dans la gouvernance publique (démocratie), pour corriger ce qu’on appelle les «Erreurs françaises» dans le discours de Sarkozy à l’apologie du génocide de Gisozi Memorial (Rwanda) en Février 2010, pour se conformer à la volonté de Mr. Kouchner, son ministre des Affaires étrangères et de son ami autoproclamé Paul Kagame. Mais il était trop tard! Washington n’était pas intéressé par la démocratie en Afrique, Washington a été plutôt attiré par les immenses ressources minérales du Congo.

Bill Clinton est entré au bureau ovale au bon moment et avec les bonnes personnes. Mais il commit une grosse erreur en choisissant un homme sans instruction et soldat bébé ex: Paul Kagame. Le 1er Octobre 1990, comme le Président du Rwanda Juvénal Habyarimana a refusé de trahir les Français, le Pentagone décida d’envahir le Rwanda par l’Ouganda, se cachant derrière la rébellion du FPR. Ce jour-là, le Président Juvénal Habyarimana du Rwanda était à Washington et le Département d’Etat américain lui a offert l’asile en échange de donner tous pouvoirs à Kagame du FPR. Le Président a décliné l’offre et retourna au Rwanda.

D’Octobre 1990 à Janvier 1993, le Pentagone (Dick Cheny, Colin Powell) a aidé Kagame, en lui donnant tout ce dont il avait besoin pour renverser le gouvernement du Rwanda. Mais comme la France avait atterri ses troupes au Rwanda afin de faire pression pour les négociations et la démocratie entre le gouvernement rwandais et le FPR, Washington réalisa qu’il ne sera pas possible d’envahir le Congo avec un gouvernement démocratique au Rwanda: Washington a besoin d’un homme proxy au Rwanda. C’est ici que vient un plan B: l’assassinat de dirigeants hutus! En Septembre 1993, Bill Clinton ordonna le Pentagone et la CIA d’aider Kagame à assassiner le président hutu du Burundi, Melchior Ndadaye, voisin du Rwanda et allié de la France. Le 20 Octobre 1993, Kagame avec ses escadrons de la mort et agents de la CIA s’est rendu à Bujumbura: le président Melchior Ndadaye a été assassiné, coupé en morceaux avec des couteaux, la » méthode Kagame » de tuer ses victimes.

Lorsque Kagame est retourné à Kampala quelques jours après de sa vilaine mission dans Bujumbura, il fut reçu par Brian Atwood, le directeur de l’USAID, pour finaliser le plan d’assassiner le Président Juvénal Habyarimana du Rwanda. Comme un informateur peut confirmer aujourd’hui, Kagame a hésité et a averti un Cataclysme au Rwanda si le président Habyarimana devait être tué comme son homologue burundais Ndadaye. Mais Bill Clinton, à travers son ambassadeur George Moose, dit à Kagame que l’assassinat de Habyarimana était le seul moyen de vite gagner la guerre.

La CIA estima que 50 milliers de personnes allaient être tué à la suite de l’assassinat de Habyarimana, un sacrifice acceptable et un bon prix à payer pour une juste cause. Le Pentagone a promis de fournir tout le nécessaire à Kagame, y compris les renseignements et assistance militaire. Kagame accepta le risque et invita LIZINDE et Kanyarengwe, deux rebelles hutus et anciens alliés du Président Habyarimana, de mettre en place un plan d’assassinat. Alex Kanyarengwe proposa un attentat contre l’avion de Habyarimana et Théoneste LIZINDE indiqua le meilleur endroit pour tirer sur l’avion présidentiel: Masaka Hill, près de l’aéroport Kanombe. En Décembre 1993, Kagame rencontra de nouveau Brian Atwood, Prudence Bushnell et l’ambassadeur américain George Moose: «Dites à Clinton que J’ai besoin d’argent et de» armes, un haut fonctionnaire de haut rang du FPR en exil se souvient aujourd’hui. Bill Clinton, en passant par Kampala, donna tout à la rébellion de Kagame: l’argent, les hommes, l’intelligence (renseignements) et des armes ont été livrées par les avions Hercules C130.

Les tactiques politiques pour tuer Habyarimana ont été effectuées par le président ougandais Yoweri Museveni à la demande de Bill Clinton. Le président tanzanien Hassan Mwinyi a rejoint l’intrigue et le président Habyarimana a été forcé à se rendre à Dar-Es-Salaam le 6 avril 1994, pour une réunion infâme: Il ne reviendra jamais à la maison. Donc, qu’est ce qui s’est passé ce jour-là? Le 6 avril 1994, Bill Clinton a ordonné au Pentagone l’envoi de 450 rangers US au Burundi pour aider les agents de la CIA au Rwanda afin d’exécuter l’assassinat en douceur. Ce jour-là, le matin, Madeleine Albright, l’Ambassadeur de Clinton à l’ONU, ordonna au général Roméo Dallaire (du Canada) qui était au Rwanda en tant que commandant des forces de l’ONU ,de faciliter le FPR et les agents de la CIA à voyager au parc national de l’Akagera, avec des véhicules de l’ONU, pour surveiller le retour de Tanzanie de l’avion de Habyarimana dans la soirée, et alerter l’équipe Terroriste à Masaka Hill pour se préparer à l’explosion en vol. Le même jour, le président ougandais Yoweri Museveni a reçu la commande de Bill Clinton pour s’assurer que le retour à Kigali de Habyarimana soit fait dans la nuit.

A 20H 01′, les espions de la CIA détectèrent l’avion de Habyarimana au dessus du parc de l’Akagera, avertirent immédiatement le quartier général de Kagame à Mulindi et appelèrent les troupes américaines déjà stationnées sur l’aéroport de Bujumbura, puis l’ambassadeur des Etats-Unis au Burundi, Robert Kruger, pour être prêt pour une éventuelle catastrophe au Rwanda. De Mulindi, où était basé le quartier général du FPR, Kagame a envoya un message radio à l’équipe de terroristes déjà stationné à Masaka Hill pour se préparer à descendre l’avion (Black Bag job). A Washington, Bill Clinton était assis dans le bureau ovale, en attendant «Good» Nouvelles. A Kigali, le général canadien Roméo Dallaire éteint tous les téléphones et sa disparition, engagés dans des conversations secrètes avec des fonctionnaires de la CIA.

A 20 heures 21, autour de l’aéroport de Kigali, le pilote Habyarimana, un français, par radio avec la tour de contrôle reçut l’autorisation d’atterrir. Mais lors de la descente de la piste, deux missiles ont décollé de Masaka Hill vers l’avion présidentiel. Personne à bord n’a survécu. Les bonnes nouvelles arrivèrent à la Maison Blanche en un rien de temps et Antony Lake, Bill Clinton, conseiller national de sécurité est entré en ovale Office: Monsieur le Président, nous l’avons fait: le Congo sera américain. Quelques minutes plus tard, Robert Flaten, l’ambassadeur américain au Rwanda à l’époque, était au téléphone pour confirmer le rapport. C’était une joie dans la Maison Blanche et un jour triste aux Champs Elysées.

L’objectif ultime était de renverser la France en provenance du Congo et d’occuper les ressources minérales congolaises immenses. Bill Clinton a accepté de soutenir les rebelles Kagame et en retour Kagame agissant comme un proxy américain pour envahir le Congo et renverser le gouvernement Frenchy Mobutu. En Mars 1997, Clinton a atterri sur l’aéroport de Kigali et a prononcé le discours infâme. Puis, se cachant derrière Kagame, il a envahi le Congo, a tué 8 millions de personnes y compris les ressortissants espagnols, a renversé la France, et ils ont pillé les ressources du Congo: des centaines de millions de dollars US finirent dans la poche de Clinton et Kagame peut se permettre deux jets privés de luxe et un immense bâtiment à Londres avec Tony Blair en tant que Co-titulaire de l’action.

Mais en Janvier 2009, quand Obama est devenu le président américain, Clinton et Kagame, qui étaient des amis dans des crimes, sont devenues ennemies à la justice. Pourquoi? Obama a ordonné à Kagame l’arrestation de au Congo du général Laurent Nkunda et Kagame en réaction complota pour tuer Obama, cherchant de l’aide de Clinton et de Tony Blair à abattre Air Force One, exactement de la même manière qu’il a fait pour éliminer Dr. Alison Des Forges. Lorsque l’information est devenue publique, sans doute que Obama le savait, Clinton avait lui-même pris la distance de Kagame. Dans le même temps, le TPIR a révélé les auteurs de l’assassinat de Habyarimana, et maintenant la famille des victimes sont en quête de justice dans les tribunaux. Le procès dans la cour d’Oklahoma est à la recherche de 350 millions dollars US pour la compensation dans cet ‘assassinat terroriste sur l’aéroport de Kigali le 6 avril 1994, argent que Kagame ne peut pas se permettre. Mais Kagame a tué également 8 millions, y compris les ressortissants espagnols, au Congo lors de l’invasion illégale et l’occupation illégale de Bill Clinton ordre. Combien d’argent sera nécessaire pour compenser toutes ces victimes?

Qui va payer, Kagame ou Clinton? Le juge espagnol estime Bill Clinton doit payer cet argent. Et l’homme Skinney de Kigali a compris et est prêt à accuser Bill Clinton devant la Cour si Hillary Clinton commence à le critiquer publiquement. L’homme fort de Kigali est en bonne position pour détruire l’Amérique. Et il a commencé à intimider les Etats-Unis publiquement: «Le (…), vous savez l’Ouest (…), Clinton m’ont ordonné de tuer Habyarimana (…), d’envahir le Congo (…), et maintenant il veut me faire face à la justice seul (…) ».

Selon un haut responsable du FPR (Kagame Sevices Secret), plusieurs politiciens américains se trouveront devant la justice sur des accusations de terrorisme si Kagame est arrêté: Bill Clinton, Madeleine Albright, Bill Perry, Colin Powell, Dick Cheney, George Bush, Suzan Rice, Brian Atwood, Antony Lake, John Shalikashvili, Pierre Richard Prosper, Robert Kruer, Kofi Annan, Roméo Dallaire, Louise Arbour et beaucoup plus. Alors, qu’en est-il de Kagame? Est-il un homme innocent? Beaucoup d’avocats en Espagne pensent que Kagame est un homme innocent. S’il est démontré que Bill Clinton a ordonné Kagame de tuer Habyarimana puis l’a forcé à envahir le Congo, Kagame ne peut pas être arrêté et toute la responsabilité retombe sur Bill Clinton. Conformément à la loi et la théorie de l’Agence, Kagame est un homme innocent, comme il a agi sur ordre de son principal Bill Clinton et Paul Kagame est en bonne position pour le démontrer.

Dans les coulisses, le cas de «Kagame vs Clinton» devant le tribunal est en train d’attirer de nombreux avocats à travers le monde. Parce qu’il est facile de défendre Kagame dans la salle d’audience, pour remporter l’affaire et des millions de dollars de trésorerie de Bill Clinton. Mais récemment, à Toronto (Canada), Bill Clinton a nié toute implication dans la tragédie du Rwanda. Était-il honnête? Il ya quelques semaines, j’ai posé cette question à l’un des anciens conseillers juridiques de Bill Clinton: Comment réagissez-vous à ces juges espagnols qui ont l’intention d’arrêter Clinton sur les accusations de terrorisme au Rwanda et au Congo en 1994 selon la « Théorie de l’agence »? «Eh bien, vous le savez, les théories sont belles mais dans la salle d’audience, elles ont besoin» de preuves. Mais le juge français Jean Louis Bruguière m’a dit il ya plusieurs années: il ya suffisamment de preuves impliquant Bill Clinton dans l’assassinat de Habyarimana.

L’avocat australien et ancien Procureur du TPIR Michael Hourigan a confirmé le rapport. Ancien chef du TPIR, le Procureur Carla Del Ponte (Suisse) a confirmé l’implication de Bill Clinton. Kagame lui-même a compris le danger et il est probable qu’il est prêt à dire la vérité pour sauver sa vie. Et l’ancien ambassadeur américain au Rwanda Robert Flaten a confirmé que les Rangers américains stationnaient sur l’aéroport de Bujumbura, le 6 avril 1994: qui les a envoyés là-bas, que faisaient-ils là dans un pays francophone, et pourquoi ce jour-là?

«Personnel ne sait le jour où Bill Clinton sera arrêté, mais déjà un juge un Espagnol est prêt à un choc avec l’Amérique».

Lu pour vous par

Witinya Jean Marie Vianney

Nyanza-Rwanda